Friday, August 22, 2008

The Olympic Games: A Propaganda Victory for China? 陈凯访谈

The Olympic Games: A Propaganda Victory for China? 陈凯访谈

The Olympic Games: A Propaganda Victory for China?

By FrontPage Magazine | Friday, August 22, 2008

Frontpage Interview’s guest today is Kai Chen, a victim of China's Cultural Revolution who fled his home at the age of 15. He found salvation in basketball and rose to became a member of the Chinese National Team. He used this athletic skill to escape China and to eventually settle in the U.S. He is the founder of the Olympic Freedom T-shirt Movement and author of One In A Billion: Journey Toward Freedom.

FP: Kai Chen, welcome to Frontpage Interview.

Chen: Thank you.

FP: The current Olympic Games are being portrayed as a propaganda victory for China. Do you think that the Chinese government has succeeded in concealing the real nature of Chinese society from the international media? Has the international media attempted to look behind the new bamboo curtain?

Chen: The International Olympic Committee (IOC) is, and has always been, a corrupt organization. There has never been any control mechanism within that organization. It has paid only lip service on the human rights issues in China, and entirely ignored the illegitimate nature of the Chinese communist regime. In a big way, the IOC helps conceal the nature of the Chinese society - a post communist, but neo-Nazi society, and deceive the world as the Chinese communist regime intended to. I have to say that the IOC is a big sham in a big scheme to legitimize an illegitimate government. In some way the criminal communist regime has already succeeded in their deception from the start: President Bush was there, wasn't he?

With countless violations and tragedies caused by the Beijing Olympics Preparation Organization under the Chinese government, have you ever heard IOC squeeze a f--- toward the Chinese government. NBC which covers the Beijing Olympics, often using Tiananmen Square as the back drop, fails to mention Tiananmen Massacre in 1989. A deal somehow has been struck between IOC and NBC, wouldn't you say so?

But the real nature of the Chinese society as a real issue will never go away. The criminal government with its countless atrocities against humanity in the past and present has caused more than 70 million innocent lives in peace time. That issue will never go away, unless God is blind. The current anti-humanity activities by the Chinese criminal regime is still continuing. Falungong, Tibet, Christians, dissidents, one-child policy, corruption, supporting all the criminal regimes and groups around the world from Darfur to Burma to North Korea to Latin America with weapons and money. The world has to wake up to the Chinese threat, a threat to our own conscience, an invasion of our souls.

FP: One of the submotifs of the Games is China's apparent willingness to cheat to win. They hardly fielded a women's swimming team because their swimmers, once dominant, were decimated by doping violations. And now there are allegations that they have altered the ages of their gymnasts in violation of international rules. What does this say about Chinese society?

Chen: Nothing surprises me or shocks me in China. When I represented China in many international situations, my passport was civilian, even though I was an army man. Though in the 1970, illegal doping was unknown in China, because the regime was ignorant about it, by the beginning of 1990s, with the import of many East German coaches, doping was instituted as a government program to many athletes, especially women athletes. But just like in East Germany, (all the doping scandals only came out with evidence after the collapse of the Berlin Wall) the Chinese doping scandals will be exposed only after the future collapse of the communist regime with its archives eventually opened to the public.

The moral issue facing the individual Chinese athletes is: Does anyone eventually come forward to confess to the world of their drug use (forced or voluntary) under the supervision of the communist regime. Do they really want to return their gold medals? Does the under aged gold medalist have the freedom and courage to defy the entire Chinese society, their own families, their own community to admit these violations? If not, what is the moral consequences they will have to bear in their entire lives?

FP: One of the stories of the Chinese Games--even though it has not been deeply probed by the media--is the environmental devastation of the Chinese environment. How deep a problem is it? Is it possible for any environmental movement (outside a governmentally sanctioned one) to take on these problems in the way that western environmentalists have in their societies?

Chen: By Western standards, China should be officially defined as uninhabitable. The pollution issue is so big that no one in China, in the Chinese government, and possibly in the world, wants to face it, for the bigger, more pressing issue to the regime is how to deceive the entire population, how to prolong their control over the Chinese people by spiritually drugging them, how to stabilize a fundamentally unjust society (an impossible task). Food must be on the table, unemployment must be kept to the manageable level, dissidents must be crushed, the increasingly restless population must be pacified. Pollution and environment damage? What pollution and environmental damage?

Quite a few teammates of mine have already died of cancer in their 40s and 50s. Are they going to find out what caused their cancer? Do they have the means to find out? Quite unlikely.

FP: Some analysts have said that the "openness" shown by the Chinese government in terms of media coverage of the earthquake, combined with the international media's presence at the Olympics, will have a modest but permanent liberalizing effect on Chinese society. Is this so?

Chen: If there has been an "openness," it is not because the Chinese government wants to open, but because they have to change their policies in order to maintain their control over the population. On the one hand, they will have to continue to attract foreign investment to keep the economy humming. On the other hand, they also will have continue to build the information "firewall" - a new kind Chinese Great Wall, to keep all threatening elements, such as Christianity, Falungong, ideas of freedom and democracy out of the reach of the Chinese people. They now have employed 200,000 internet police to monitor the society. They also hired countless "50 cent" propaganda amateurs to help "lead" the public opinions toward government side, by demonizing the West, America, Christianity, Falungong, and people like me. My email contacts were recently attacked with viruses systematically from an unknown source.

"Open" or "closed" is only a tactic in the hands of an illegitimate government, insecure about its own future for the crimes it has committed against the entire population over the past 60 years.

FP: As you look behind the imagery of the Olympics--undoubtedly glamorous, but also airbrushed and sanitized, according to critics of the coverage--what kind of society do you see?

Chen: China is a fascist and neo-Nazi society. No one nowadays, including members of the communist party, believes in the ideology of communism - an ideology discredited world wide with the collapse of the USSR. But the Party-State structure left by the previous founders such as Mao is still very much intact. To make Mao's image everywhere in China, on the currency, in school campuses, on Tiananmen Square is a crucial government policy to numb the Chinese people's senses. To dismantle Mao's image, the National Anthem what espouses despotism, the National Flag that symbolizes individuals' submission to the collective, and the entire communistic organizational structure is not a task the communist party will ever possibly engage itself in. It depends on the organizational structure to survive another few years.

Evil's triumph is because not enough good people stand up. And no evil will disappear by itself.

FP: Kai Chen, welcome to Frontpage Interview.

Chen: Thank you.

Saturday, August 16, 2008

中国奖牌得主-失落的个体孤魂 Chinese Medalists - Lost Individuals

中国奖牌得主-失落的个体孤魂 Chinese Medalists - Lost Individuals


在中国奖牌得主中,没有一个人在得奖后向观众席上观望,寻找自己的亲友去分享自己的成功。 从他们表演给他人的微笑中,我只看到了失落的个体孤魂,我只看到了屈辱和痛苦。 他们在心理上和良知上会为此承受严重的后果。 --- 陈凯

If you pay attention to the Chinese medallists in the Beijing Olympics, as always, you will find that none of them look toward the audience to find their family and friends to share their success. They only respond to the coaches and leaders. From the fake smiles designed to perform for others, and to cover their own pain/misery, I only see some lonely hearts lost in the crowds who care nothing about these athletes but want to steal something from them. I only see humiliation and excruciating pain. They will have to bear grave consequences of selling themselves to an entity that entirely dehumanizes them as individual beings.


Dear Visitors:

Have you seen any smile from the Chinese athletes in Beijing that is from the bottom of their hearts? Can't you see that all the smiles are only put on their face to show others?

All the Chinese athletes will eventually have to face themselves and ask themselves: "Is this worth it to sell one's freedom and dignity for something that oppresses their own very individuality?"

Many Chinese athletes are picked from very young age and separated from their families ever since. Their own families are also willing to leave them to the cruelty and inhumanity of the athletic environment under Chinese despotic culture/government. No one knows their pain, inner torment and suffering. They are pressured from outside, not driven from inside, to succeed. And when they achieve, their achievement is stolen by the country, by their leaders, by the crowds that know and care nothing about them. The people around them only care about using them and their achievement to add some ingredients into their designer narcotics, so they will have a grand illusion to escape the true state of their own mind, the true meaning in their own lives. Who do they want to share their old medals if they are robbed from their youth of their own loved ones, of their own very individual identity, of something that is most precious as a human being?? The fake entities of course - the party, the collective, the country, the team, the leaders, the Chinese people.....

Contrast to the Chinese athletes, American athletes will first look into the audience to find their loved ones to share their success. That is what things are supposed to be and should be, for freedom and joy from inside of each athlete is the ultimate reward to himself/herself.

Have you wondered why the Chinese got more gold medals than Americans while in overall medal counts they are trailing?

In China, the system has no just and fair selective process to decide who is going to make the roster for the Olympics. In America, the process is just, open and fair: You have to qualify in an objective standard/system in the Olympic Qualifying Events. As long as you are qualified via fair competition, no one has any power to reject you from the roster. In China, the selective process to decide who is on the roster is purely political/arbitrary. The leaders first consider your chance to get the gold medal (besides your loyalty to them/collective/country), for only the gold medal can ensure the Party-state's National Anthem be played for the audience. Only the gold medal has the maximum effect to drug the Chinese population and induce maximum illusions. If you are considered just another athlete with minimum chance to win the gold, you are pushed behind and diminished as a less-valued asset, for your value as a narcotic ingredient to drug the population is negligible.

This collective-first mindset has caused countless misery and tragedies among the Chinese athletes. Yet in China no one knows the athletes' pain and suffering. No one cares. They are just some tools with talents to be used and abandoned. Everyone, not just the Chinese authority, in China views athletes like that, views all the people themselves like that. So strictly speaking, the Chinese are the victims of their own despotic and inhuman mentality. Beijing Olympic Opening Ceremony is the epitome of such a collective/despotic mentality.

I, as an athlete having survived that inhuman system, now only want to tell you the truth - the truth no one wants to hear. Yet, here I am. I exist. I am not afraid. I will speak.

Best. Kai Chen 陈凯

Friday, August 15, 2008

陳凱:京奧開幕是36年柏林奧運的重演 Replay of 1936



前中國籃球隊隊員陳凱9日表示,北京奧運開幕式是1936年柏林納粹奧運的重演──一個沒有人的人群,一個沒有個體的社會,一個沒有意義的組合,一個沒有內容的表象,一個沒有自由的存在,一群沒有獨立尊嚴的機器,一些「不以為恥反以為榮」的宦奴娼等等 ,這就是今天的中國。

陳凱9日晚間應台美工作室邀請,論京奧、並播放新唐人為他製作的「我的路」談他為中國人民的自由民主所做努力的心路歷程。談及京奧開幕式時說,這是一場新納粹的表演-沒有人性的人 之儀式(Opening Ceremony - People without Humans ),沒有人的自然活力,只是穿了服裝任人宰割的人,其中心主題就是:「小心!不要阻止中國的崛起 - 我們將要主導世界」。





Thursday, August 14, 2008

430 亿美元-精神毒品的昂贵 Spiritual Narcotics are Very Expensive

430 亿美元-精神毒品的昂贵 Spiritual Narcotics are Very Expensive


物质毒品是昂贵的。 精神毒品就更为昂贵。 这两种毒品都不能营养人的身体与灵魂,但却能使人在走向死亡中有达到高潮的幻觉。 北京奥运就是这样一种昂贵的(430亿美元)精神毒品。 中国的人们正在幻觉的路上走向精神的死亡。 --- 陈凯

只有真理才能使你自由。 --- 耶稣基督

Physical narcotics are expensive. Spiritual narcotics are even more expensive. Both cannot nourish a person's physical and spiritual existence, but both are designed to induce orgasmic illusions. Beijing Olympics is such an expensive spiritual narcotic product - $43 Billion. And the Chinese are on their illusory and glorious way to hell. --- Kai Chen

Only truth shall set you free. --- Jesus Christ


Dear Visitors:

I can't imagine a free/democratic society would allow its government to spend 43 billion dollars to host Olympics. People in a free society have more important pursuits for themselves and their children, and they would tell their own government to go to hell if the government wants to spend their tax dollars for some illusory glory in the Olympics.

But Beijing Olympics breaks all the spending records in Olympic history - 43 billion dollars and counting. A despotic government will never consider the interests of the people in that society when it spends the money it robs from its people. Controlling the population by drugging and paralyzing them in order to stabilize the criminal regime is the ultimate objective. So what the Chinese people get is a highly potent spiritual narcotic that induces a temporary high while reducing a person into a spiritual cripple. Now the Chinese are highly illusory and delusional. The society is speeding toward hell. This is not a surprise at all, for all despotic societies are doomed to walk the same path anyway.

What do you expect when a narcotic addict wakes up with a reality check? A paranoid schizophrenic state, what else? Danger looms after the Olympics. People will need more potent narcotics (more expensive as well like what would cost in a war) just to keep going. What do you expect to happen then?

No unjust societies are stable. This is the truth that many don't want to see, including many Westerners. I see troubles and potential collapse loom in China's future. Look out!

Best. Kai Chen

Wednesday, August 13, 2008

形压质,群压个,利压乐-典型中式奥运 A Typical Show of Chinese Despotism

形压质,群压个,利压乐-典型中式奥运 A Typical Show of Chinese Despotism


要形象而不要真实;要群体而不要个体;要地位而不要欢乐、、。 从女童假唱到没有欢乐,充满欺骗的女子体操,假、伪、虚、痛、无望充斥了中国的体坛。 你看到了一丝发自内心的笑容了吗? 那些装出的、皮笑肉不笑的表演只令人作呕。 --- 陈凯

Images over truth, the collective over the individuals, social status/power over joy and happiness.... From the Chinese girl's lip synching to the blunder of Chinese women's water polo to the joyless performance of the Chinese women's gymnasts..., everything the Chinese do is full of deception, pretentiousness, nihilism with a silent inner pain/torment. Have you ever seen a smile from the heart of anyone? The joyless performance to achieve gold medals, to me, is only a shameful, nauseating manifestation of slavery under despotism. --- Kai Chen


Dear Visitors:

The Chinese girl's lip synching to perfect the Chinese image around the world is only a small confession to the world what the Chinese society is all about -- a society without substance/truth, only symbolism with fake images. How other people see China has always been an obsession/preoccupation for the Chinese themselves.

When I watched the Chinese women's water polo team playing against the US, I could foresee the result when the Chinese had the last chance with 8 seconds left to even the score. The Chinese women simply passed the ball around and wasted the precious opportunity. They didn't even get the shot off. I could see what was in their mind: avoiding taking any individual initiative and responsibility. As long as we all fail together, failure is only a success - no single individual will take the blame, or glory and everyone will be satisfied living with the consequences regardless. What a state of silent desperation!

When you watch the Chinese women's gymnasts taking the gold, don't you feel shame? First they fake the age of the girls, against the Olympic rule that under-aged girls should not compete in gymnastics. Then have you sensed the inner pain, suffering and tremendous torment of those under-aged girls? When they smile, it is not because of joy, but because they have to put up the smile, by the officials' orders, to deceive the world, against their own unbearable pain and suffering inside. I truly feel for those girls seeing their tears of pain swallowed when they put on the gold medals. There is a big price to pay in their lives that they are yet to be aware of. I fear for their future.

I hope you all can see what I see. But I know not all of you can see through the surface to detect what is behind. You need not only your fleshy eye balls, you need your own conscience and intellectual honesty to see that is truly going on.

I bet there are many things you did not expect that will happen during the Beijing Olympics. To me they will never be surprises.

Best. Kai Chen 陈凯

Sunday, August 10, 2008

专制集权的象征 Designs on Power (by Steven Heller, LA Times)

专制集权的象征 Designs on Power (by Steven Heller, LA Times)


当中国的人们在心理上与物理上击碎了当代世界历史上最大的屠夫罪犯-毛泽东的形象的时候,他们才会开始从专制暴政的阴影中逐渐自由出来,回复正常的人的心态。 --- 陈凯

When the Chinese truly abandon/crush the images of Mao - the biggest mass murderer in human history - psychologically and physically, they can begin to free themselves from despotism and tyranny, they can begin to return to humanity. --- Kai Chen


Dear Visitors:

I now paste a very good article from LA Times below for you to read.

Beijing Olympics indeed provides the opportunity for the world to see China as what it truly is: a totalitarian party-state bent to destroy any remnant humanity of any individual in Chinese society. The criminal party-state's biggest weapon in achieving that end is the portrait of their icon - the murderous Mao. They print it on Chinese currency. They erect it on all the public places. They hung it on Tiananmen Gate overlooking everyone....

Smashing Mao's image, both physically and mentally/psychologically, is the prerequisite for the Chinese to free themselves from despotism and tyranny. I hope that one day will come soon when Mao's image is no longer feared/worshipped/revered, but reviled and despised. I am working now with all of you toward achieving that end.

Enjoy the article below now.

Best. Kai Chen 陈凯

Designs on Power

By Steven Heller (LA Times) Sunday August 10, 2008

What a scandal it would be to see Adolf Hitler's portrait hanging in Berlin today or tomorrow. Of course, it could never happen because German law prohibits the public display or celebratory portraits of Der Fuehrer, as well as Nazi signs and symbols like the swastika.

In Russia, hanging portraits of Josef Stalin in public is discouraged (although not unlawful), and since the fall of the Soviet Union, monuments to the brutal dictator have mostly been torn down. In Italy, Benito Mussolini's lock-jawed visage has long been removed from national view, although in his hometown of Predappio a shrine containing his tomb and a souvenir shop replete with Il Duce T-shirts, postcards and bottles of wine annually attracts a fair number of curious tourists.

In China, however, where the Olympic Games opened last week, there are no legal, ethical or moral restrictions against revering Mao Tse-tung, the Great Helmsman, despite the tragic outcome of the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution, which wreaked havoc on China during the second half of the 20th century and led to the deaths of tens of millions of its people.

Not only is Mao's official depiction, with his Mona Lisa smile, by the painter Zhang Zhenshi still looming over Tiananmen Square, where it has hung since the 1950s, but his face remains on much Chinese currency (although not on the new 10-yuan note created for the Olympics) and on many postage stamps. Although the Olympic logo and graphics are as removed from turgid Chinese socialist realism as can be (and Mao is not to be found anywhere on sanctioned Olympic souvenirs), busts, porcelain figures (Cultural Revolutionary Hummel-ware) produced by Red Guard cadres, posters and other Mao-era souvenirs are plentiful as many flea markets in and around Beijing.

What's more, reproductions of Mao badges and Little Red Books, which were produced in the millions during the Cultural Revolution, as well as Mao clocks, watches and cigarette lighters are available through street vendors and more high-tech websites devoted to such kitsch.

When Germany was defeated in 1945, the Allies declared Nazi graphics to be contraband. But in China, the Communists remained in charge, and the logo, flag, and heroic icons remained in place after Mao's death. Despite attempts to desecrate the famous Tiananmen placard - in 1989, three men were jailed for throwing black paint during pro-democracy protests, and in 2007, another man attempted to set ablaze - Mao's status as a graphic icon has outlasted the leading early-and mid-20th century dictators, continuing into the 21st century if only as a branding alternative to the Chinese panda.

(Steven Heller, co-chairman of the MFA design program at the School of Visual Arts in New York, writes the "Visual" column for the New York Times Book Review. His most recent book is "Iron Fists: Branding the 20th Century Totalitarian State".)


"Any government that glorifies one of the greatest mass murderers of the 20th century, as China has with the prominent display of Chairman Mao Tse-tung at the Olympic Games, deserves not only to be shunned but to be branded for what it is: a partner in the crime.

A picture may be worth a thousand words. The deaths of murdered millions speak even louder." --- Earnest Zimdars, Claremont.

Saturday, August 9, 2008

奥运开幕式-新纳粹的表演-没有人的人们 Opening Ceremony - People without Humans

Kai Chen on Freedom 陈凯论自由

奥运开幕式-新纳粹的表演-没有人的人们 Opening Ceremony - People without Humans


北京奥运开幕式是1936年柏林纳粹奥运的重演。 其中心主题就是:“小心!不要阻止中国的崛起 - 我们将要主导世界”。 一个没有人的人群,一个没有个体的社会,一个没有意义的组合,一个没有内容的表象,一个没有自由的存在,一群没有独立尊严的机器,一些“不以为耻反以为荣”的宦奴娼、、。 这就是今天的中国。 --- 陈凯

Beijing Olympic Opening Ceremony, as I expected with no surprise at all, was only the carbon copy of the 1936 Berlin Nazi Olympic Opening Ceremony. The distinct message is: "Be careful! Here we come and we will bury/crush you!" A people without human beings, a crowd without individuals, a collective without meaning, a manifestation without content, a party-state without freedom, a bunch of "borgs" without independence and dignity, a country of eunuslawhores without souls.... This is what you have just witnessed. This is indeed China today. --- Kai Chen


Dear Visitors:

As I watched the last night's Beijing Olympics Opening Ceremony, with certain apprehension and boredom, I realized that the Chinese despots with their lackeys so lacked imagination that the entire show was nothing but a Chinese propaganda in a driest and most tasteless form. They are simply running out of tricks. They are simply to their wit's end. And indeed they are nearing their end.

The world has just witnessed the entire replay of the 1936 Berlin Olympics Opening Ceremony, with one exception - American president's attendance. As the robotic performers danced mechanically on the field, accompanied by some elaborate special effect to enhance the greatness of an evil empire, the world held its breath. Ghostly images from not too distant past must have come back in front many people's eyes. Bloodshed, torture, persecution, discrimination, mayhem, misery and deaths.... I bet many Jewish people watched the Opening Ceremony with lingering horror that invokes vivid images of the Holocaust.

As the NTDTV program "My Way" hit the screen, the communist 50-cent attack dogs retched up their vicious offensive on me. Here in, dirty names are called upon me and I expect more to come. I wear these dirty names on my lapel with pride. I indeed have done something right. I hit the nerves of despotism.

Here I want to remind people again of the coming danger and the free beings' responsibilities to ourselves and to our children. Be vigilant! Be ready! Be courageous! Be righteous!

Best. Kai Chen 陈凯

Friday, August 8, 2008

奥运精神还是奥运装潢 How much is Olympic ideal -- or decoration?

奥运精神还是奥运装潢 How much is Olympic ideal -- or decoration?,0,5181985.column

How much is Olympic ideal -- or decoration?

There is much good to be said about the people of Beijing. But is it all window dressing to cover national policies that conflict with the message of the Olympic movement?

Bill Plaschke
August 8, 2008

BEIJING -- The shirtless old man shuffled down the middle of the narrow street, teeth as brown as his socks, the decay spreading into a smile.

"People only look at the bad things in our country," Zhang Wen Bin said. "The Olympics will make them look at the good things."

Under a sweltering, smoggy midday sun in this ancient neighborhood, it is difficult to find those good things.

The alleys are lined with soda bottles filled with freshly boiled water. Dirty windows open to the sound of noisy fans clattering over junk-filled rooms. A bare-bottomed child plays in a murky puddle.

Everyone, it seems, is hunched over against the sun and sweating through the heat.

But, like Zhang, it seems everyone is also smiling.

Everyone but the man in the black sweat suit who has just walked up behind me.

While Zhang chatters happily about today's Olympic opening ceremony, the man stands motionless while staring at me. And staring. And staring.

Zhang's excitement about the interview soon turns to annoyance with the questioning.

"People never have deep thoughts about China," Zhang said. "These Olympics will make them think."

Tonight's caldron lighting at the spectacular new National Stadium will indeed be accompanied by the sparking of a world's conscience.

More than any Games in recent memory, the Beijing Olympics will truly make us think.

Can we celebrate the coronation of a world power amid the suffocation of its human rights?

Can we cheer the Olympics' sacred freedom of movement while the local sheriff monitors our every step?

Can we admire the gleaming sports stadiums that are surrounded by miles of hovels and shacks?

Will the Olympics affect us the way that man in the black suit affected the retired engineer Zhang Wen Bin, turning his smiles into anger?

"People who come here looking for negative things, they are not friends of China," Zhang said bitingly, abruptly ending the interview.

So what is it going to be?

Can we be a fan of the Olympics without being a friend of China?

Can we be both?

After three full days of wandering through the colorful, wonderfully mysterious streets of Beijing, I have two observations.

This place touches my heart. This place scares me to death.

I love the kindness of the Beijing people, who are so aggressively helpful that it sometimes feels as if they are literally carrying you through the day.

They meet you the moment you leave your hotel room, and never again do you feel alone until you return.

They talk with you. They walk with you. They laugh with you. You never feel lost. You never feel unwelcome.

No doubt the athletes will feel this kindness during the next two weeks, and we will surely see it in ovations and support.

But no doubt they will wonder, how much is Olympic ideal and how much is Olympic decoration?

It is tough to accept all the smiles in a place where the man who embodies the Olympic ideal, humanitarian speedskater Joey Cheek, was recently banned from the country because he has challenged China's human rights.

It is hard to understand the sincerity of a place that embraces strangers but forgets its own citizens.

Before visiting Zhang in his neighborhood this week, I visited thousands of Chinese at Tiananmen Square, the site of the tragic 1989 protests in which hundreds, perhaps thousands, of Chinese were killed by the government.

Nearly everyone I interviewed initially asked whether I was a friend of China.

And nobody expressed an ounce of sorrow for the memory of those slain protesters.

"Some bad people did some bad things here," said Iud Deti, a retiree. "And the government took care of them."

Either they refused to sympathize, or refused to even acknowledge.

"I don't know what you read, and I don't know if it's true," said a man named Hebei. "But the government never did anything to hurt me."

In trying to decipher the response to the Tiananmen Square memories Thursday, I attempted to call up an old protest video on YouTube.

I couldn't. The Chinese government had gotten there first.

There are websites we cannot see, information we cannot hear, interviews we should not do.

Walking down the street to the marvelous new swimming facility -- "The Water Cube" -- I wondered if the rows of stoic guards were there to direct me or spy on me.

During the week before the Games, everything here was running smoothly. Everything except my stomach.

Should the IOC even have brought these Games to Beijing?

Protesters of Chinese policies around the world would say no.

Given that the government here still won't allow basic freedoms, I would agree with those protesters.

But money talked, and now ethics will walk -- the only question being how long and how far.

The people of Beijing deserve better. The world deserves better. And the Olympics certainly deserve better.

The question of the next two weeks is, will the Chinese government give it to them, to us?

With the new venues and efficient infrastructures and Michael Phelps jumping into the pool first thing every morning, these Olympics have a chance to write a song that will live forever.

Will we be able to close our eyes long enough to hear it?

Do we even want to?

Bill Plaschke can be reached at bill.1c. To read previous columns by Plaschke, go to

Thursday, August 7, 2008

难道姚明不承担个体责任吗? Is Yao Ming not Responsible for His Action?

难道姚明不承担个体责任吗? Is Yao Ming not Responsible for His Action?


难道一个奴隶就不承担容忍纵容专制奴役的个体责任了吗? 爱迪(Eddie)的勇敢的个体行为与道德的清晰和姚明的懦弱与道德混乱形成了鲜明的对照。 我们每一个人都要反省我们在自身选择与决定中的个体道德责任。 --- 陈凯

Does a slave bear any individual responsibility for his being enslaved? Eddie's brave action with moral clarity provides a stark contrast to Yao Ming's timidity/fear with moral confusion. We as individuals should all reflect on what roles we play in tolerating and sustaining despotism and tyranny. --- Kai Chen


Dear Visitors:

How do you feel about this photo (Yao Ming with torch)? Proud? Shame? Stunned? Confused? Detest? Paralyzed? What?

Henry, Jojo and I went to Eddie's church yesterday to tie some yellow ribbons to express our support to his brave effort. We offered our prayers to Eddie to wish him a safe journey back home. We shed tears of pride for Eddie and concern over his safety.

Nowadays, I still sense the residual Chinese collectivism in many that is the basis for tyranny/despotism. It seems the collective pride to them is somehow more important than a single individual's dignity and freedom. If that is so, they and I are entirely in the opposite of the spectrum. If being a Chinese is more important to them than being a free man, they and I are in two entirely different planets.

Have you ever reflected on where all your suffering and misery (in China) came from? Are you, as an individual, somehow not responsible at all for all that misery and deaths in China? Is Yao Ming who bears the torch of despotism and tyranny not responsible for his own action at all? Is a slave ever responsible for his own helplessness and hopelessness?

One must answer all these questions, in order to strive toward freedom.

Best. Kai Chen

Wednesday, August 6, 2008

美国牧师在北京发起公民抗命行动 Eddie My Friend in Action

美国牧师在北京发起公民抗命行动 Eddie My Friend in Action




Kai Chen Speaking Out 陈凯视频演讲支持艾迪牧师:

Monday, August 4, 2008

德国学者:北京效仿“希特勒奥运”Beijing 2008 Emulates Berlin 1936

德国学者:北京效仿“希特勒奥运”Beijing 2008 Emulates Berlin 1936


(博讯北京时间2008年8月04日 转载)







针对德国日益加剧的种族歧视和宗教迫害状况,国际社会开始传出一片谴责之声。1931 年德国柏林1936 年获奥运会主办权,不少国家纷纷站出来抵制柏林奥运会。

勒斯克先生认为:“纳粹(NAZI nationales Sozialismus)德语涵义是 ‘国家社会主义’。其实是一种来源于法国、日耳曼民族的社会主义。希特勒利用奥运会展现了“国家社会主义”的‘和平’和‘合法性’,美化纳粹和法西斯独裁主义。掩盖其挑起世界战争的野心,欺骗世界民众。”

















勒斯克先生说:“当中国运动员在奥运会上获得非常多的奖牌时,普通的中国民众将会产生一种心理:我是共产主义国家的一员,共产党的运动员胜利了,我们的政党--共产党胜利了,太好了!共产党战胜了世界,共产党还是很好的。而这种思想恰恰正是中共梦寐以求的!” (博讯

Wednesday, July 30, 2008

布什会见中国异见人士 President Bush Meets with Harry Wu and Other Chinese Human Rights Advocates

President Bush Meets with Harry Wu and Other Chinese Human Rights Advocates


On the eve of the Olympic Games, it is clear that the human rights situation in China has not improved as promised by Beijing, but rather, that it has deteriorated. So acting on the recommendation of Representative Frank Wolf, Representative Chris Smith, and Representative James McGovern, President Bush agreed to meet with Laogai Research Foundation Executive Director Harry Wu and several other well-known Chinese human rights advocates this morning in the West Wing of the White House. The others in attendance at the meeting included prominent Chinese democracy advocate Wei Jingsheng, Uyghur American Association President, Rebiya Kadeer, China Aid Association President Bob Fu, and acclaimed scholar and activist Sasha Gong.

Mr. Wu presented President Bush with a copy of the House Concurrent Resolution 294, passed by the U.S. House of Representatives on Dec. 16, 2005, which calls on the international community to condemn the Laogai. In speaking with President Bush, Mr. Wu made three points. First, he explained that China's Laogai system is incompatible with democracy, and asked President Bush to take note of this issue and help bring about an end to this inhumane system. President Bush assured Mr. Wu that he would take his perspective on the Laogai into account. Next, Mr. Wu warned President Bush of the alarming amount of Chinese espionage activities taking place in the U.S. And lastly, Mr. Wu informed President Bush that he would be establishing the world's first Laogai Museum later this year in Washington, D.C. When President Bush asked where exactly the museum would be located, he was delighted to learn that it would be on M St., not too far from the White House.

The other activists present also discussed their personal experiences and efforts to improve human rights in China. Wei Jingsheng expressed that he disagreed with the President's decision to go to Beijing for the Olympics, to which President Bush responded by explaining that he felt the need to go and speak personally with Chinese President Hu Jintao. Rebiya Kadeer gave President Bush a brief account of the dire human rights situation in Xinjiang, currently the only place in China where political prisoners face the possibility of immediate execution. Bob Fu discussed the predicaments of mainland Chinese Christians and the ongoing persecution of underground "house church" members. Sasha Gong spoke about the Chinese government's increasing control of the internet and the suppression of writers online.

President Bush promised the group that he intends to raise the issue of human rights directly with the Chinese leadership when he travels to Beijing in August for the Olympic Games. Moreover, he informed the group that he plans to attend a Christian church service while in Beijing. Throughout the meeting, which lasted for about forty minutes, Bush made it very clear that he was deeply concerned about the human rights situation in China and that human rights could not be overlooked at any occasion, no matter how grand.

Monday, July 28, 2008

虚报年龄为专制党政增光 Issues raised about Chinese athletes' ages

Photos: China's youth brigade Blog: Ticket to BeijingChinese gymnast He Kexin may not be old enough for Olympics. Chinese diver Chen Ruolin may have been too young for worlds


虚报年龄为专制党政增光 Issues raised about Chinese athletes' ages

Issues raised about Chinese athletes' ages

Documents indicate two female gymnasts appear to be younger than once listed by the Chinese federation. Olympic eligibility could be affected.

By Diane Pucin, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
July 28, 2008

Less than two weeks before the Beijing Olympics, a potential scandal involving at least two of China's most high-profile sports is threatening to tarnish those Games.

According to documents obtained by The Times, two Chinese gymnasts appear to be younger than once listed by the Chinese federation while a diver appeared to have her age changed to be eligible for last year's world championships, though she would be eligible for the Olympics.

The issue of age for gymnasts He Kexin and Jiang Yuyuan was first reported Sunday by the New York Times. Additional documents indicate the practice is more widespread. Diver Chen Ruolin appeared to have her age raised in time for her to win a gold and a silver medal at the 2007 world meet in Melbourne, Australia.

One indication that the Beijing government apparently was moving quickly to douse any hint of scandal came late Saturday night, Los Angeles time, as some relevant Chinese websites were taken down and parts of one message board were erased.

As in the U.S., there are message boards in China where fans chat and gossip about the most popular sports.

Particularly women's gymnastics.

For well over a year, Chinese fans have been intrigued by the quick rise of uneven bars performer He Kexin, and not only for her rising scores of over 17.000 but also about her rising age.

As reported by the New York Times, there have been open discussions in gymnastics circles about the proper ages for some of the Chinese women gymnasts, especially He. Since 1997, international gymnastics rules have required that a gymnast must turn 16 during an Olympic year to be eligible for the Games.

According to official Chinese registration lists that had been available on the Internet, He may be only 14.

In fact, according to an Associated Press report of a Nov. 3, 2007, speech by Liu Peng, director of general administration of sport for China, there was no question she was too young. "The 13-year-old uneven-bar gymnast He Kexin," Liu said, "who defeated national team athlete Yang Yilin -- she just won the bronze medal in the world championships -- has demonstrated her ability." To be eligible for the Chinese City Games where Liu made his remarks, documents show athletes must be over 13 but under 15.

And gymnastics is not the only sport in which Chinese athletes' birth dates seem changeable. The Los Angeles Times has received records for female diver Chen Ruolin that indicated her birth date as April 26, 1994, changed in 2007.

As reported by the New China (Xinhua) news agency on July 18, Chen was born Dec. 12, 1992, in the Jiangsu province.

But according to a 2003 Chinese national diving registration list that still could be found online as of Sunday night, Chen was born on April 26, 1994. Her birth date remained the same in 2004, 2005 and 2006 but on the 2007 list, it was changed to Dec. 12, 1992.

If the 1994 birth date is correct, Chen competed illegally at the 2007 world championships, where she won a silver medal in the 10-meter platform and a gold medal with teammate Jia Tong in the 10-meter synchronized platform.

In diving, competitors must turn 14 during the year they compete in any official World Cup, world championships or Olympics. So Chen is eligible for these Olympics but might not have been when she competed at the 2007 world championships.

Asked whether the Beijing Organizing Committee for the Olympic Games was concerned with the questions about possibly underage Chinese athletes, spokesman Sun Weide said today, "You have to check your facts. You have to check with the Chinese Olympic Committee."

Attempts to reach a Chinese Olympic Committee spokesperson were unsuccessful.

Zhou Jihong, China's national diving team leader, said, "Those newspaper reports about Chen's [being] underage is not true. We can fax to you Chen Ruolin's birth certificate and ID card to prove it. We don't want the rumor [to affect] our athletes two weeks before the Olympic Games."

Ron O'Brien, U.S. high performance director for diving and former coach of Greg Louganis, said, "We've always felt that it's hard to document China. We take them at their word that they're not breaking any rules. If [Chen] is not of age and was illegally entered into the world championships, then it is up to FINA to deal with it. Our team and plan are firmly in place. Nothing will change that."

FINA is the international governing body of diving, swimming and water polo.

USC diving coach Hongping Li, who is from China, said Sunday that while he couldn't speak about Chen personally, the shifting birth dates for some Chinese athletes does not surprise him.

"It is a thing where if it is believed by the athlete to be done for the glory of the country, if it is best for the country, then it should be done. Am I surprised this might be done? No."

Stories in China about uneven bars athlete He have been open about listing her age as 14.

For example, a story published Dec. 2, 2007, in the Beijing Evening News includes this sentence: "To make up for the disadvantages of the women's team on uneven bars, the 13-year-old young athlete He, Kexin might be the secret weapon for the Olympics game."

On a Chinese message board,, there was a discussion thread about He that began last year.

"Only 13 years old. Not enough is the new star for the next Olympics," wrote one poster.

Another answered: "The age of Chinese members is never a problem."

And that was followed by: "In addition, age is not a problem. It is said that her FIG-registered age is born in [19]92. The official spokesperson can say it straight that the city competition's Internet date is mistaken. It should be based on the registration of FIG."

Also, "In China age is never a problem. Li Ya competed in [20]03's World Competition when she was 13."

FIG is the international gymnastics federation.

Li Ya was on the Chinese team that finished fourth at the 2003 gymnastics world championships in Anaheim. Li also finished fourth on the balance beam.

And finally, "It's too late to fix He's age. Many foreigners already knew it. It would need to change the name and use a false record to see if it can go through." The reply to this suggestion? "It doesn't matter. If He, Kexin's skills are very good we Chinese can change her age very easily. I think this is pretty much the norm for Chinese teams."

The Times received evidence that the alteration of ages was not started solely for the Beijing Games.

In addition, "Report from Fu, Guoliang at the Meeting Relating to Hunan Province's Participations in Olympics in Sydney," which was still available online Sunday afternoon , made reference to gymnast Yang Yun, who participated in the 2000 Sydney Olympics.

"The actual age of gymnastic athlete Yang Yun is only 14. When she first tried in Sydney Games, she attracted attention from gymnastic fields. She has great potential in the future." Yang's career ended prematurely because of injuries.

Yang Yun had become the topic of recent discussions when a YouTube video of a documentary entitled "Yang Yun: My Olympics" was posted. About 3 minutes 10 seconds into the video Yang says, "I was 14 years old in Sydney."

Also, on Friday, a Zhejiang Province registration list showed another 2008 Olympian, Jiang Yuyuan, as being born in 1993, which would make her age-ineligible for next month's Games. That link was disabled Sunday.

On the U.S. team, Alicia Sacramone and Chellsie Memmel are 20; Nastia Liukin is 18; and Shawn Johnson, Samantha Peszek and Bridget Sloan are 16.

FIG is responsible for approving athletes for competition.

Steve Penny, president of USA Gymnastics, in a brief statement Sunday said, "This is an FIG and IOC issue."

According to the New York Times, FIG Secretary General Andre Gueisbuhler responded to questions about He's age by saying:

"We heard these rumors and we immediately wrote to the Chinese gymnastics federation. They immediately sent a copy of the passport, showing the age, and everything is OK. That's all we can check." He also told the New York Times FIG would be "quite happy to check and ask again" if anyone filed a formal complaint.

USA Gymnastics officials were clear that the U.S. would not file a complaint and had not filed one.

Women's gymnastics competition in Beijing begins Aug. 10. The U.S. won the 2007 world championship team gold medal, with China a close second.

Philip Hersh, who covers Olympic sports for The Times and the Chicago Tribune, contributed to this report from Beijing. Times contributor Jordan Schultz also contributed to this report from Los Angeles.







对此中国官员立即作出回应,向纽约时报提供这两位被质疑运动员的护照副本,她们是最有希望获得高低杠金牌的何可欣和江钰源,年龄都是16岁 ,这是奥运会自1997年以来规定的参赛者最低年龄。

不过,国际体操协会(International Gymnastics Federation)的官员表示,何的年龄已受到中国新闻媒体和美国体操队及体操爱好者的质疑。中国官方网站张贴及官方新闻媒体报导的选手年龄,显示何和江只有14岁,都在奥运规定参赛的年龄以下,这与护照信息矛盾。

北京奥运会女子体操比赛开始于8月8日,预计美国和中国之间将有激烈争夺金牌的比赛。在2007年的世界锦标赛上,美国领先0.95分。在高低杠项目,何与美国的柳金(Nastia Liukin)预计将竞争个人金牌。


纽约时报发现两个网上记录,一个是中国体操选手的正式登记名单,那里何的生日是1994年1月1日,因此她只有14 岁。这个2007年中国体操运动员的国家登记册,现在被中国关闭,但可透过古狗的缓存看到,何的生日是“1994.1.1”。




但在浙江省体育总局青年运动员名单上,江有一个不同的出生日期,表明她尚未过15岁 。该运动员名单包括带有出生日期的国家身份证号码。江的身份证号码上的出生日期为1993年10月1日,这表明她不到15岁,因此不符合北京奥运会的竞争资格。

最近,1984年洛杉矶奥运会体操全能冠军玛丽·瑞藤(Mary Lou Retton)观看了何和其他中国高低杠选手的比赛录像。她说:“女孩这么少,这么年轻”。谈到何时,瑞藤笑着说:“他们说她16岁 ,但我不知道[是否这样]” 。



该协会秘书长安德烈·奎斯伯勒(Andre Gueisbuhler )表示:“我们听到这些传言后,立即写信给中国体操协会”。 “他们很快送来护照副本,显示运动员年龄是正确的,这就是我们能够进行的所有检查”。

如果有人提供证据,证明任何一个体操运动员未达法定年龄参赛,或提交一份正式投诉,奎斯伯勒表示,他将“非常高兴检查并再次询问” 。他说:“只要我们没得到正式投诉,就没有理由采取行动”。


前苏联五次奥运金牌得主娜莉·金(Nellie Kim)认为,年轻体操运动员的优势在于她们的体重较轻,往往表演高难度动作时胆子更大。金现在是总部设在瑞士的国际体操协会妇女技术委员会主席。她说:“这很容易欺骗”。



曾帮助美国的瑞藤和罗马尼亚的纳迪亚·科马内奇荣获奥运金牌的教练贝拉·凯瑞利(Bela Karolyi )表示,体操运动员的年龄问题已存在多年。在一个独裁国家改变年龄很容易,他说,因为政府可以严格控制官方文件。

他回忆,在1991年世界锦标赛上,朝鲜体操运动员金光淑(Kim Gwang Suk,音译)的前门牙缺两颗。 他认为金当时不超过11岁,其他人争议,金的前牙还是婴儿牙齿,尚未换恒牙。而她的教练说,多年前她在高低杠训练期间发生意外,磕掉这些牙。

在那些世界锦标赛中,金4英尺4英吋高,体重约62磅,她称自己16 岁。在这个问题上,北朝鲜体操协会连续3年称她为15岁;该协会后来因虚报年龄被禁止参加1993年的世界锦标赛。


中国的杨云(Yang Yun,音译)在2000年悉尼奥运会赢得个人和团队铜牌,稍后在接受国家电视台采访时,她透露在那些比赛中她只有14岁。湖南省体育总局后来也报告说,她在悉尼比赛时只有14岁。





现住香港的前羽毛球国家队成员王晨说,在中国,当运动员比输时,教练会公开表达他们的不满。她说:“那时我真的很愤慨。”现在,她将代表香港参加北京奥运。她微笑地说:“香港的教练要我寓赛于乐。从前,羽毛球是我生活的唯一。现在, 只是我生活的一部份。”


Wednesday, July 23, 2008

中国高潮 运动员禁药唾手可得 Illegal Doping in China

Lin Li (林莉), 1992 - the queen of doping in China

中国高潮 运动员禁药唾手可得 Illegal Doping in China


在星期一德国ARD电视公司的一个名为“中国高潮”(High in Middle Kingdom)记录片中,一名中国医生提供干细胞治疗给一名冒充为美国游泳教练的记者,这个关注中国医生非法帮运动员增强体能的报导,让反禁药专家在北京奥运即将开始之前大感震惊。

美联社22日报导,这份用隐藏式相机拍摄的报导播放了这名医生模糊的脸部,说着中文,并且以2万4千美元价格提供改造基因(gene doping)疗法。反禁药官员对影片中的非法医疗这样唾手可得感到震惊。







这些发现在德国电视台一部名为“中国高潮”的记录片中公布。片中的部分研究是由Craig Lord进行,而且在 网站公布。

世界反禁药组织(World Anti-Doping Agency )主任总干事霍曼(David Howman)认为,这个片子所呈现的“比我最坏的担心还要糟糕”。

多伦多运动医生柏斯古(Mauro di Pasquale)在片中表示,中国的改造基因交易持续发生。(改造运动员的基因组成来增强他们的体能,这通常是通过基因疗法来进行。)








Monday, July 21, 2008

“我的路" 第一集已在新唐人电视台播放 "My Way" First Episode Released

“我的路" 第一集已在新唐人电视台播放 "My Way" First Episode Released

视频链锁“我的路” Link to "My Way":


“我的路" - 四集电视节目已由新唐人电视台制成。 七月二十一日第一集已在新唐人电视台播出。 其余三集也会陆续播出。 Youtube 与新唐人的"人杰地灵"节目也会陆续登载。 这是一部我(陈凯)在心灵上从奴役走向自由的史诗,是一个人从痛苦绝望走向幸福欢乐的真实的故事。 右派网也会在近期陆续登载"我的路". 我希望每一个看了这个电视连续节目的人能从中找到你自己的价值与勇气,无畏地付出代价去争得你的真实的自由与幸福。 --- 陈凯


"My Way", a four-episode TV program by NTDTV, has been completed and the first episode has been released today on NTDTV. The rest three episodes will also be released soon. Youtube and the NTDTV online program "The Extraordinary from the Ordinary" will also carry it. This is a true story (Kai Chen's personal story) of one person's journey from slavery toward freedom, from pain and misery toward joy and happiness. will also post "My Way" soon. I hope all of you who watch this program will be inspired by my story, will pluck up your own courage, pay your own price to find your own true freedom and happiness. --- Kai Chen


陈凯--- 我的路



《ONE IN A BILLION》 《一比十亿》的作者





迷 惘 年 代

这个要说起来很长,我已经在我的书《一比十亿》这个书里把我在中国的运动的生涯,包括我怎么从一个不自由的过程走向自由。这不是一个生理的过程, 这是一个心灵的过程。人从灵魂意识到自己的一个尊严、意识到自己的伟大,意识到自己的自由。在这个方面,当你意识到这些基本的你的价值的时候,你就发现这个是你一生最宝贵的,最宝贵的东西,你不能放弃。



在美国有一句话,到韩战纪念碑,如果去华盛顿在韩战纪念碑有一句话写的非常非常好:Freedom is not free.。一个想争取自由的人一定要付出代价,很多的代价是很沉重的。但是这种沉重的代价--我今天走到自由的这种心态的时候,我觉得是非常值得的。一个人不走向这个,不走向心灵的自由,他的幸福的可能性是没有的。我经常说这个话:一个自由人并不一定幸福,但一个不自由的人绝没有幸福的可能。自由给了你幸福的可能。

我是生在北京, 因为我家里在当时是家庭背景很不好的一个家庭,父母都有一些政治问题。 再加上有台湾的亲属,我父亲一半的人,父亲有十个兄弟姐妹,有一个人在抗战的时候死掉了,其他那些人大部分有五个人跟国民党军队到台湾去了。其他人我父亲跟我爷爷留在中国留在北京,当时在海关工作。 其他去台湾的人走的时候把我奶奶带走了,所以我爷爷跟我奶奶从那以后再也没有见面。 一直到我爷爷去世。一直就再也没有见面。由于家里的台湾的关系,等于是在英语里是Exile,就是被放逐了,被放逐到靠近北韩的一个小城市叫通化。

当然文化大革命的时候,所有的知识青年,我刚初中毕业,都被送到乡下去了。我也被送到乡下去了,我一直对篮球就很爱好,甚至被送到乡下这个过程中,我一直都没有停止自己训练。那时在粮库里,每天要扛麻袋,扛麻袋有二百斤,我才十几岁,身体没有长成嘛,有时去搭肩,是很危险的一件事情。 这个扛麻袋很危险,你走跳板,你要到大粮堆、大粮垛,那时候经常输送机经常停电,停电以后就不会往上把粮食放上去,你要人把粮食抬到粮垛里面去,你要走翘板,翘板还在晃,二百斤的粮食,你试试看。非常危险的一件事情。 但是由于我下乡以后能够在粮库找到一个工作,粮库的球队需要我去打球,所以这样的话,我就有一个机会,那时候我在吉林柳河粮库,我有一个机会就是不用在乡下种地了,我可以到粮库里做一个临时工人,户口还在乡下。那么在作工人的时候一直没有间断打球,一直没有间断练球,虽然粮库里的球队并不经常组织训练,但是我每天早晨起来,第一件事是先练一个小时,然后洗一洗,旁边有一个井,喝一点水,然后洗一洗,压井水,那时候也没有自来水,那么就这样一段时间,我觉得非常奇怪,像这样一种举动,为什么我会有那么大的冲动一个人去练这个事,根本什么希望也没有什么指望,那个时候在全国体育已经被取消了,专业队也已经瘫痪都已经瘫都取消了,什么都没有。没有任何的前途说你将来可以在这方面有什么样的造就,都没有,但是我确实这么做了。



一九七零年 晚春

包括有一次土豆皮事件,有一次吃饭的时候,因为土豆皮有很多土,有脏,在中国那种情况下你也知道,我和另外一个人,我的很好的一个朋友就把这个土豆皮扒下来了以后,,结果当时青训队都有政治指导员,政治指导员看到了以后,就把我们整个的就说你们要写检查要向全队写检查,因为你们浪费了土豆皮。我就觉得我整个人生的这么一点希望就是因为一块土豆皮就可能被消灭,就是因为一块土豆皮就有可能—就是你完全攥在别人手里,就是因为你没有吃这个土豆皮,你这一生就能被葬送。当然最后出现了一些事件,就是当时我们做了一些检查,还要吃忆苦饭,还要到什么人民英雄纪念碑前面作宣誓,什么政治宣传和洗脑。好在就是这个政治指导员,他发生了一件丑闻,结果他跑了,结果我们幸存下来了。他发生了丑闻就是他在教育我们这些无产阶级的道德的时候,他自己发生了一件非常严重的政治丑闻、政治事件,他跟一个有夫之妇发生关系,那个有夫之妇突然从楼上跳下来,死了。所以他因为这个事件,被遣送回他的原籍。我在那个时候我就在道德上作了一个鉴别,Oh, my God, 这些人教我的东西全是假的。我从那时候对一切表示怀疑。这些人虽然表面上冠冕堂皇教我们所谓的这些无产阶级道德,但他们自己呢?!使我感觉到周围一切都是假的,没有什么是真实的,但究竟我是不是要追求真实,这是一个重大的选择。

当然对我来说,我是决定这个真实的东西只有我跟篮球的关系里面才有真实的关系。我跟所有在中国的人和人之间的关系里面找不到真实的东西。我就集中精力来打这个球,把我的球打好。最后青训队解散的时候,只有我和我最好的朋友留在国家体委。作为特殊的天才去训练。那时候我的天才非常好,弹跳能力、身体素质都非常非常好。 因为我自己平常就开始练,就练了很多。

我最好的朋友就被放在国家队田径队也是重点训练,他身体也是非常非常好。这样经过一年的训练,突然有一天,他到我宿舍里来,他说领导已经决定我不能再在这里继续训练,因为我家里有问题。他家里确实以前跟国民党军队有某种关系,他父亲以前是国民党军队里的。那么被发现这种事情,他就被踢走了,我记得我还去送他,我到北京车站去送他。,我送他的时候,我心里充满了绝望。但是我不想让他看出来,因为他不知道我家庭的背景。我最好的朋友不知道我家庭的背景。我知道它迟早会来,就是我也被踢走,肯定是跑不掉的。但是我希望把这个延迟一点,多留在国家队多训练一段时间。 他被踢走的时候,我把他送走,当时北京车站的大钟响着《东方红》,当车子开动的时候,他努力的探出窗户要同我告别。从来没有想到,我从北京车站把他送走的时候最后见一面。 我再也没见到他。从来没有想到,我再也没见到他。但是这件事在我心里永远是一种痛。回到黑龙江,

回到哈尔滨的时候,他就比较绝望,那么绝望的时候他就喝酒,喝酒时候跟他哥哥睡着了,旁边煤气出来,煤气出来就把他熏死了。他也就死了。 可是那个时候,我得到他的消息的时候,我已经被发走了,当然,经过再长一段时间以后,国家体委也发现了我家里的问题,给我下了一个死刑,就说你永远出不了国,你这种家庭情况不适合在国家队待。但是当时我不相信这是一种真实的情况,我知道当时在国家体委有一些有名的教练和有名的运动员他们仍旧可以出国,他们家庭也有社会关系。但是我就认为我的技术水平达到的话,我还是可以出国。 因为他们已经达到了,我只不过是一个很年轻的有天才的人。

在这一方面来说所有的中国运动员对他们来说只不过是一种工具,他可以任意的抛弃你,任意的把你践踏,或者你的尊严都不在他的考虑范围之内。 当时我就下了一个决心,他把我从国家体委踢走的时候,我就想我应该怎么做。我对我自己说我非常热爱蓝球,我就跟这些所谓领导讲我说我既然出不了国,那我是不是可以在国内打篮球,这个在逻辑上是对的,你不让我出国,你不信任我,我可以在国内打篮球。但是他们不说话,也不表态。

后来我就自己决定,那我自己想办法,我就联系到广州军区,到广州军区打, 那时候有些很好的教练,我想在那儿造就自己,从新练球造就自己。在这个状况之下的时候,我就没跟领导打交道,因为当时从柳河的粮库有人来领我,到北京来领我。我很害怕回到柳河粮库,我觉得到那里我就死路一条。到了粮库我也没有什么前途。我就跟其他一个人联系,我就跑到广州军区,没有跟任何人讲。

一九七一年 秋


当时国家体委那些领导就恐慌了,有一个人潜逃了。所以他们就通知公安局送出一个小组去抓我,到广州军区去抓我,结果到了广州发现我仍旧在练球。 没有发现什么问题。在那个时候,国家体委当时的主任是曹诚,他们就发出了一个很严肃的指令,就是广州军区你要把这个人送回来。

很绝望的一件事情就是我想在广州军区重新建立我篮球重新建立自己,从新往前走,这个希望刚刚来的时候,突然,广州军区的政委找我谈话,说你不能留在这儿,国家体委已经叫我们把你送回去。 当时我非常绝望。我当时在那个状态之下,我就觉得活着跟死了没什么区别。我没有任何选择,我在这个社会中生活,没有任何的选择。我被人任意的摆布。那时候确实痛哭了一场,非常绝望,非常绝望,确实痛哭了一场。我记得很清楚,一个人在屋子里,我也不愿意让别人看到。我就想该怎么办,这时候我有一种愤怒,就想God, 当时我还不知道有God,我就想我不能就这样,我一定要鼓起勇气,奋斗一下,干一下。那么,好吧,我跟你一块儿回到北京,我知道回到北京肯定没有好事,我是跑出来的嘛,你肯定回到北京肯定没有好事。回到北京把我隔离了,一个人检查反省交待,有什么动机。当然他们肯定会考虑我跑到广州是因为我有台湾关系,想从广州跑道香港,逃走。这是他们马上的想法。我根本就没这么想,我想是为了篮球。

那么在这个时候,我做了一个重大重大的选择,这个绝望的时候我做了人生最重大的选择,拒绝拒绝拒绝绝望。当你拒绝绝望的时候,这是一个重大的选择,人生经常你可以选择绝望,你也可以选择拒绝绝望。 我并没有看到什么希望,但是我选择拒绝绝望。




我在军队里,吃都没吃的,人饿得, 军队里那时候是珍宝岛跟苏联打仗的时候。我的个很大,吃东西比别人多,但是总是吃不饱,再加上非常繁重的体力劳动。那时候在修坝,再加一些军事训练,后来 我身体就越来越快垮下去,后来胃就出血,我自己不知道。我根本不知道胃出血后来生重病,后来回到沈阳军区军区的时候,我根本没法打球,我已经太弱了。以前我随便就可以扣篮的,我有一次摸篮圈都没有摸着。当时我就想:My God. 当时还没有God。我说这怎么办呢?我也没说话,我就跟着队玩命练,我有一种信念不管怎样玩命练。可是我身体已经非常坏,已经有重病。我也不承认,别人也不知道,别人也不会检查。

后来有一天终于我躺下来,我起不来了,我还记得非常清楚,我起不来的时候高烧,没有一个人来看。那时不是说解放军是大学校,互相热爱嘛,根本没有一个人来看你。 在那边开会的时候,我心里非常清楚,我晕晕乎乎的,那边就响起唱歌:解放军是大学校,毛思想红旗举的高。“那歌声传过来,给我这个刺激。我一股火就冒起来了。 那时候我就大骂,我就用世界上最脏的字骂。骂的时候 因为我嗓子痛的不得了,也骂不太多。后来有人在走廊里听到了,报告说陈凯说胡话了,我根本没说胡话,我说的是真话。但他们说我说胡话了,给我送医院。我在医院里住了很久,我在医院里住了一个礼拜,打盘尼西林烧退了。


在这一个月之间的时候,我收到一封信,是我最好的朋友他死了。我在那个时候,最绝望的时候受到那么一封信。在那时候各方面的打击就不说了, 对你这篮球生涯根本就不提了,又来这么一个噩耗。 你怎么对待?你怎么对待?一般的人就垮了吧,完了吧。反正没有什么希望。 我最好的朋友也跟我一样,不也死了,我将来就是死路一条吧。大概没有什么太大希望。但是我还是这样我拒绝失望,我拒绝这个东西。



Thursday, July 17, 2008

中国五毛共奴授意发动网络超限战 China’s Guerrilla War for the Web

中国五毛共奴授意发动网络超限战 China’s Guerrilla War for the Web


如下的文章确定了我曾有过的对五毛共奴存在的怀疑。 我希望所有良知人士们对中共党政技俩有清晰的认识,并由此对五毛共奴的攻击有足够的精神准备。 --- 陈凯

The following article confirms my suspicion about the existence of the "Fifty Cents" communist net slaves/attack dogs. I hope all the people with conscience realize that the scheme of the Chinese Party-state is only the last straw before their demise. We must ready ourselves for a new round of battle. --- Kai Chen


中国五毛共奴授意发动网络超限战 China’s Guerrilla War for the Web

July 2008

China’s Guerrilla War for the Web

by David Bandurski

They have been called the “Fifty Cent Party,” the “red vests” and the “red vanguard.” But China’s growing armies of Web commentators—instigated, trained and financed by party organizations—have just one mission: to safeguard the interests of the Communist Party by infiltrating and policing a rapidly growing Chinese Internet. They set out to neutralize undesirable public opinion by pushing pro-Party views through chat rooms and Web forums, reporting dangerous content to authorities.

By some estimates, these commentary teams now comprise as many as 280,000 members nationwide, and they show just how serious China’s leaders are about the political challenges posed by the Web. More importantly, they offer tangible clues about China’s next generation of information controls—what President Hu Jintao last month called “a new pattern of public-opinion guidance.”

It was around 2005 that party leaders started getting more creative about how to influence public opinion on the Internet. The problem was that China’s traditional propaganda apparatus was geared toward suppression of news and information. This or that story, Web site or keyword could be banned, blocked or filtered. But the Party found itself increasingly in a reactive posture, unable to push its own messages. This problem was compounded by more than a decade of commercial media reforms, which had driven a gap of credibility and influence between commercial Web sites and metropolitan media on the one hand, and old party mouthpieces on the other.

In March 2005, a bold new tactic emerged in the wake of a nationwide purge by the Ministry of Education of college bulletin-board systems. As Nanjing University, one of the country’s leading academic institutions, readied itself for the launch of a new campus forum after the forced closure of its popular “Little Lily” BBS, school officials recruited a team of zealous students to work part time as “Web commentators.” The team, which trawled the online forum for undesirable information and actively argued issues from a Party standpoint, was financed with university work-study funds. In the months that followed, party leaders across Jiangsu Province began recruiting their own teams of Web commentators. Rumors traveled quickly across the Internet that these Party-backed monitors received 50 mao, or roughly seven cents, for each positive post they made. The term Fifty Cent Party, or wumaodang, was born.

The push to outsource Web controls to these teams of pro-government stringers went national on Jan. 23, 2007, as President Hu urged party leaders to “assert supremacy over online public opinion, raise the level and study the art of online guidance, and actively use new technologies to increase the strength of positive propaganda.” Mr. Hu stressed that the Party needed to “use” the Internet as well as control it.

One aspect of this point was brought home immediately, as a government order forced private Web sites, including several run by Nasdaq-listed firms, to splash news of Mr. Hu’s Internet speech on their sites for a week. Soon after that speech, the General Offices of the cpc and the State Council issued a document calling for the selection of “comrades of good ideological and political character, high capability and familiarity with the Internet to form teams of Web commentators ... who can employ methods and language Web users can accept to actively guide online public opinion.”

By the middle of 2007, schools and party organizations across the country were reporting promising results from their teams of Web commentators. Shanxi Normal University’s 12-member “red vanguard” team made regular reports to local Party officials. One report boasted that team members had managed to neutralize an emerging BBS debate about whether students should receive junior college diplomas rather than vocational certificates, the former being much more valuable in China’s competitive job market. “A question came up among students about what kind of diplomas they would receive upon graduation,” the university report read. “A number of vanguards quickly discovered the postings and worked together to enforce guidance with good results.”

China’s Culture Ministry now regularly holds training sessions for Web commentators, who are required to pass an exam before being issued with job certification. A Chinese investigative report for an influential commercial magazine, suppressed by authorities late last year but obtained by this writer, describes in some detail a September 2007 training session held at the Central Academy of Administration in Beijing, at which talks covered such topics as “Guidance of Public Opinion Problems on the Internet” and “Crisis Management for Web Communications.”

In a strong indication of just how large the Internet now looms in the Party’s daily business, the report quotes Guan Jianwen, the vice president of People’s Daily Online, as saying during the training session: “In China, numerous secret internal reports are sent up to the Central Party Committee through the system each year. Of those few hundred given priority and action by top leaders, two-thirds are now from the Internet Office [of the State Council Information Office].”

The CCP’s growing concern about the Internet is based partly on the recognition of the Web’s real power. Even with the limitations imposed by traditional and technical systems of censorship—the best example of the latter being the so-called “Great Firewall”—the Internet has given ordinary Chinese a powerful interactive tool that can be used to share viewpoints and information, and even to organize.

But the intensified push to control the Internet, of which China’s Web commentators are a critical part, is also based on a strongly held belief among Party leaders that China, which is to say the CCP, is engaged in a global war for public opinion. In Gongjian, a book released earlier this year that some regard as President Hu’s political blueprint, two influential Party theorists wrote in somewhat alarmist terms of the history of “color revolutions” in Eastern Europe and Central Asia. They argued that modern media, which have “usurped political parties as the primary means of political participation,” played a major role in these bloodless revolutions. “The influence of the ruling party faces new challenges,” they wrote. “This is especially true with the development of the Internet and new technologies, which have not only broken through barriers of information monopoly, but have breached national boundaries.”

In 2004, an article on a major Chinese Web portal alleged that the United States Central Intelligence Agency and the Japanese government had infiltrated Chinese chat rooms with “Web spies” whose chief purpose was to post anti-China content. The allegations were never substantiated, but they are now a permanent fixture of China’s Internet culture, where Web spies, or wangte, are imagined to be facing off against the Fifty Cent Party.

Whatever the case, there is a very real conviction among party leaders that China is defending itself against hostile “external forces” and that the domestic Internet is a critical battleground. In a paper on the “building of Web commentator teams” written last year, a Party scholar wrote: “In an information society, the Internet is an important position in the ideological domain. In order to hold and advance this position, we must thoroughly make use of online commentary to actively guide public opinion in society.”

Mr. Hu’s policy of both controlling and using the Internet, which the authors of Gongjian emphasize as the path forward, is the Party’s war plan. Chinese Web sites are already feeling intensified pressure on both counts. “There are fewer and fewer things we are allowed to say, but there is also a growing degree of direct participation [by authorities] on our site. There are now a huge number of Fifty Cent Party members spreading messages on our site,” says an insider at one mainland Web site.

According to this source, Web commentators were a decisive factor in creating a major incident over remarks by CNN’s Jack Cafferty, who said during an April program that Chinese were “goons and thugs.” “Lately there have been a number of cases where the Fifty Cent Party has lit fires themselves. One of the most obvious was over CNN’s Jack Cafferty. All of the posts angrily denouncing him [on our site] were written by Fifty Cent Party members, who asked that we run them,” said the source.

“Priority” Web sites in China are under an order from the Information Office requiring that they have their own in-house teams of government-trained Web commentators. That means that many members of the Fifty Cent Party are now working from the inside, trained and backed by the Information Office with funding from commercial sites. When these commentators make demands—for example, about content they want placed in this or that position—larger Web sites must find a happy medium between pleasing the authorities and going about their business.

The majority of Web commentators, however, work independently of Web sites, and generally monitor current affairs-related forums on major provincial or national Internet portals. They use a number of techniques to push pro-Party posts or topics to the forefront, including mass posting of comments to articles and repeated clicking through numerous user accounts.

“The goal of the government is to crank up the ‘noise’ and drown out progressive and diverse voices on China’s Internet,” says Isaac Mao, a Chinese Web entrepreneur and expert on social media. “This can be seen as another kind of censorship system, in which the Fifty Cent Party can be used both to monitor public speech and to upset the influence of other voices in the online space.”

Some analysts, however, say the emergence of China’s Web commentators suggest a weakening of the Party’s ideological controls. “If you look at it from another perspective, the Fifty Cent Party may not be so terrifying,” says Li Yonggang, assistant director of the Universities Service Centre for China Studies at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. “Historically speaking, the greatest strength of the CCP has been in carrying out ideological work among the people. Now, however, the notion of ‘doing ideological work’ has lost its luster. The fact that authorities must enlist people and devote extra resources in order to expand their influence in the market of opinion is not so much a signal of intensified control as a sign of weakening control.”

Whatever the net results for the Party, the rapid national deployment of the Fifty Cent Party signals a shift in the way party leaders approach information controls in China. The Party is seeking new ways to meet the challenges of the information age. And this is ultimately about more than just the Internet. President Hu’s June 20 speech, the first since he came to office in 2002 to lay out comprehensively his views on the news media, offered a bold new vision of China’s propaganda regime. Mr. Hu reiterated former President Jiang Zemin’s concept of “guidance of public opinion,” the idea, emerging in the aftermath of the Tiananmen Massacre, that the Party can maintain order by controlling news coverage. But he also talked about ushering in a “new pattern of public-opinion guidance.”

The crux was that the Party needed, in addition to enforcing discipline, to find new ways to “actively set the agenda.” Mr. Hu spoke of the Internet and China’s new generation of commercial newspapers as resources yet to be exploited. “With the Party [media] in the lead,” he said, “we must integrate the metropolitan media, Internet media and other propaganda resources.”

Yet the greatest challenge to the Party’s new approach to propaganda will ultimately come not from foreign Web spies or other “external forces” but from a growing domestic population of tech-savvy media consumers. The big picture is broad social change that makes it increasingly difficult for the Party to keep a grip on public opinion, whether through old-fashioned control or the subtler advancing of agendas.

This point became clear on June 20, as President Hu visited the official People’s Daily to make his speech on media controls and sat down for what Chinese and Western media alike called an “unprecedented” online dialogue with ordinary Web users. The first question he answered came from a Web user identified as “Picturesque Landscape of Our Country”: “Do you usually browse the Internet?” he asked. “I am too busy to browse the Web everyday, but I do try to spend a bit of time there. I especially enjoy People’s Daily Online’s Strong China Forum, which I often visit,” the president answered.

On the sidelines, the search engines were leaping into action. Web users scoured the Internet for more information about the fortunate netizen who had been selected for the first historic question. Before long the Web was riddled with posts reporting the results. They claimed that Mr. Hu’s exchange was a “confirmed case” of Fifty Cent Party meddling. As it turned out, “Picturesque Landscape of Our Country” had been selected on three previous occasions to interact with party leaders in the same People’s Daily Online forum.

For many Chinese Internet users, these revelations could mean only one thing—Party leaders were talking to themselves after all.

Mr. Bandurski is a free-lance journalist and a scholar at the China Media Project, a research program of the Journalism & Media Studies Centre at the University of Hong Kong.

Monday, July 14, 2008

Chinese red tape redefines freedom for the press

Chinese red tape redefines freedom for the press

Jacquelin Magnay
July 12, 2008

"WE WILL give the media complete freedom to report when they come to China." So promised one of the most senior Chinese Olympic officials, Wang Wei, in 2001 on the eve of the International Olympic Committee awarding Beijing the 2008 Games.

Seven years on, and the issue that has always been a concern to international journalists: the extent to which the Communist Party would allow the world to freely opine - has become a fissure of dissent between the IOC and Chinese authorities.

How big the crack widens before the Opening Ceremony on August 8 will depend very much on China's stance in the next week or so.

It's not looking good. Many media can't even get into the country. Visas are being so restricted, many television and radio networks are rejigging plans. Channels Nine and Ten have spent more than a year satisfying the paperwork for 30 or so technical and support staff. They are due to leave next week, but still do not have the necessary invitations from the Chinese government for the visas to be issued. Reporters Without Borders has received similar complaints from European journalists.

Rights holders, such as Australia's Seven Network, aren't having an easy time either. Like the broadcast giant NBC, the global networks that have paid many millions for the right to cover the Games are having difficulties getting satellite trucks around the city, organising scenic backdrops, obtaining allocation of frequencies. Most importantly, the reliability of transmission, particularly during any sensitive riots, protests or other such sensitive activities is a concern. The Chinese state television "live" feed, for instance, will have a 10-second delay, so any uncomfortable moments such as an athlete demonstrating, will be able to be edited out. Earlier this week, the Chinese agreed to some of the networks' requests.

Kevan Gosper is vice-chairman of the IOC Co-ordination Commission, charged with liaising with the Beijing Olympic organisers (BOCOG). He is also the IOC's press commission chairman. He said this week he had urged a relaxation of the toughened visa requirements to BOCOG. He said he would be very disappointed if bona fide journalists were not allowed into China but noted: "At the end of the day, their issuance of visas, like our issuance of visas, is very much a national matter."

Behind the scenes, the dialogue is more intense. Several months ago, Chinese leaders imposed a new level of political bureaucracy over BOCOG. That isn't new - Sydney did a similar power shuffle in 2000 when SOCOG chairman Michael Knight shafted chief executive Sandy Hollway and elevated his Olympic Co-ordination Authority honcho David Richmond to the top job.

But the Chinese changes have brought a dramatic shift in the tone of the preparations. Where there was a willingness to bow to outside influences, or at least appear to listen, in a desire to present China in the best possible light, has devolved into a far different beast. Tibetan riots, fears of Falun Gong protests and tensions in Xinjiang, a separatist Muslim region, have raised the domestic temperature. Now the Chinese view is the Games must be protected at all costs, and that might mean upsetting some political foes and tightly controlling who is in the city for the Games.

Last week Norman Choy, a reporter from the Apple Daily, a well-known anti-Communist paper in Hong Kong, was refused entry into Beijing, even though he possessed Olympic accreditation. He was told he was turned back because of national security laws. "We've been hearing rumours that Beijing has been tightening restrictions on certain media and suspicious individuals … I was prepared to be followed or to have my credentials checked, but to have my travel document confiscated surprised me," Choy said.

This week, China' Communist Party senior leader, Li Changchun, promised: "China will provide good media services for journalists covering the Olympics," adding that anyone unhappy could complain directly to the BOCOG president.

He said he wanted overseas journalists to "make full coverage of the Olympics and tell the world a true China".

Funny, that is what the journalists want to do, too.

Thursday, July 10, 2008

Beijing-Bound Bush Should Be Ashamed

Beijing-Bound Bush Should Be Ashamed

The president will be paying homage to China's autocrats — not American athletes — when he attends the opening ceremony of the Olympics.

July 9, 2008 - by Gordon G. Chang

Criticism continues to mount over President Bush’s decision, announced last Thursday, to attend the opening ceremony of the Beijing Olympics. John McCain and Barack Obama said they would hold off making the commitment to go, and others said outright that he should not appear at the event. “I think that a president who has said we are conducting warfare in different parts of the world in order to promote democracy and human rights loses credibility when he announces that he is going to attend the opening ceremonies of the Olympics in a country that is the world’s worst human rights abuser,” said Representative Dana Rohrabacher, the plain-speaking California Republican. Radio talk show host Joe Madison was even more direct: “This is the equivalent of a president going to Nazi Germany in 1936. This is absolutely wrong.”

Yet Dubya, believing he is positively right, is determined to show up in the Chinese capital on August 8. “He believes he’s going to China to support first and foremost our athletes,” said White House spokeswoman Dana Perino. “He sees this as a sporting competition.”

Really? As rationalizations go, this one is particularly weak. As the president’s staff may know, there will be no competitive events held during the opening ceremony. Moreover, there won’t be that many American athletes there anyway. Most of them will be staying away from China until the last possible moment to minimize exposure to the capital city’s chemical-laden, particle-heavy atmosphere. If his goal is to cheer America’s finest competitors on August 8, he should instead go to their training camp in nearby Japan.

It would have been better if Ms. Perino had told the truth and said “the president is going to Beijing to pay homage to China’s autocrats even though his presence will be seen as support for their efforts to legitimize their abhorrent rule.” These words, although lacking in diplomatic nicety, at least would have had the advantage of not being a transparent fabrication. Just about everyone knows that the Chinese are using the opening ceremony as a loyalty test for foreign presidents and prime ministers. By showing up, President Bush, who did not go to Athens in 2004 or Turin in 2006, will be performing the modern version of the kowtow to the Chinese supremos. The once-inspiring leader who said he would make no compromises in defending freedom will be traveling halfway around the globe to honor unrepentant dictators. President Bush, in short, will undermine all that he stands for as he attends a three-and-a-half-hour spectacle glorifying Chinese communism.