Friday, January 29, 2010

共产革命大虐杀 – 真相纪实/陈凯 翻译 The Revolutionary Holocaust/Glenn Beck



'The Revolutionary Holocaust: Live Free or Die'

Monday, January 25, 2010

共产革命大虐杀 – 真相纪实

“不自由,毋宁死”


Translation by Kai Chen 陈凯 翻译 www.kaichenblog.blogspot.com

视频链锁: link to the video documentary:

http://lucianne.com/article/?pageid=glenn_beck_show

http://american-conservativevalues.com/blog/2010/01/glenn-beck-the-revolutionary-holocaust-live-free-or-die-01-22-2010/

译者引言 Translator’s Forewords:

陈凯博客: www.kaichenblog.blogspot.com

戈兰. 拜克 (Glenn Beck, Fox News 福克斯电视台)是当今美国社会中最具影响力的、少有的保守派主流电视主持人之一。 他也是唯一的一个有眼光、有洞察力、有勇气的将共产主义、社会主义邪恶与今天美国左翼大政府病态情结暴露于众的最具美国自由精神的电视主持人。 “共产革命大虐杀 – 不自由,毋宁死”(Revolutionary Holocaust -- Live Free or Die)揭示了共产主义、社会主义与纳粹主义的共有理论基点,并将斯大林,格瓦拉与毛泽东的革命大虐杀的反人类罪行公诸于众。 今天以 中共党朝为首的“新纳粹(民族社会主义)”与以奥巴马当局为代表的美国新社会主义回潮是世界所有热爱自由的人们应提起警觉并要奋起反击的。 我很荣幸能将戈兰. 拜克制作的“共产革命大虐杀 – 不自由,毋宁死”翻译成中文以将共产邪恶的理论基点及罪恶的真相告知中国的人们。 --- 陈凯

Glenn Beck (Fox News) is one of very few influential conservative TV hosts in America today. He is also the most perceptive and courageous American media figure to have exposed the evil of communism and socialism, along with the prevalent, pathological “seeking savior in government” complex in American public today. The TV documentary “Revolutionary Holocaust -- Live Free or Die” examines the common roots for communism and Nazism, exposes the anti-humanity atrocities committed by the socialist despots such as Stalin, Che and Mao. In the beginning of the 21st century, there has been a rise in global neo-Nazism represented by the Chinese communist regime and an attempt in America to uproot American Constitution and American spirit of individual freedom to spread a socialist mentality and to install a savior-like despotic regime, represented by the Obama administration. I am glad to be able to translate Glenn Beck’s TV documentary “Revolutionary Holocaust – Live Free or Die” into Chinese, so the Chinese speaking population in the world can learn about the truth. --- Kai Chen


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This is a rush transcript from "Glenn Beck," January 22, 2010. This copy may not be in its final form and may be updated.

戈兰. 拜克 制作人 1/22/2010 福克斯 新闻电视记录片 (此片可能会在将来增新内容)

GLENN BECK, HOST: Welcome to a special edition of "The Glenn Beck Program."

戈兰. 拜克: (主持人) (此后简称“戈”)

The story of America is really one of self-reliance and optimism, and profound faith. Not only in the context of religious freedom, but also in the unprecedented faith in the ability of human beings to control their own destiny.

美国的精神其实就是一个独立乐观的精神和对神(人的良知)的坚实信仰。 这个信仰不只是对宗教信仰的自由而言,这个信仰更是对人对自身命运的把握能力的前所未有的坚实信念。

And while the spirit of personal responsibility was extraordinarily strong with our founders, great patriots like Thomas Paine, he argued for redistribution of wealth right off the bat. Alexander Hamilton, he wanted a central bank. Well, they wound up losing those battles but there were plenty who kept can on fighting.

美国的建国者们有着不同寻常的由个体自由而来的强烈的个体责任感。 如汤玛斯. 佩恩: 他从一开始就已将“均贫富”逐出美国人的思维与精神了。 亚历山大. 汉默顿曾预想一个中央银行。 但像他们那样的人没有成功。 但那些人仍不死心总要卷土重来。

The Constitution kept those dogs at bay for better part of 200 years. But, eventually, those seeking a different path than the ones the founders settled on realized the only way to really defeat the Constitution was for the people to stop reading it. Progressives realized victory required changing history. To defeat them, we have to correct that.

在美国200年的大部历史中,美国宪法保持着美国精神的清廉 – 没有让“均贫富”的邪念污染人们的灵智。 但最终那些主张“均贫富”的人们意识到如要腐败人们的灵智,首先要想办法让人们再也不要读“美国宪法”了。 “均贫富”的革命家们意识到“洗脑”的重要与编造伪历史的重要。 要击败他们,我们崇尚自由的人们就要时常揭穿那些伪历史、重温真实历史。

Progressives know how powerful history is. When these truths get told and the lies get corrected, the game is going to be on. It's pulling the mask off the monster.

那些所谓“左派革命家们”懂得真实历史的力量。 当我们把这些真相告知人们并揭穿那些谎言谬误,人们就会清醒过来。 我们就是要将那些魔鬼的美妙面具撕下来。

Next week, we'll dive deeper in to the progressive script. But today, we dismantle the first act.

下个星期,我们将会继续深入地揭示那些“左派革命家们”的丑恶内在。 今天,我们先来撕下他们的第一个假面具。

We've always been told that genocidal dictators of the world — oh, they're just manifestations of the hateful right, that the left wing icons like Che and Mao and Stalin need to be understood in context.

那些关于“洗脑”的左派革命家们常常告诉人们世界上的专制极权者们都是从“右翼”来的。 那些左翼革命的偶像大亨们,如格瓦拉、毛泽东与斯大林是需要被人理解的、动机良好的进步者。

Tonight, we set the record straight.

今天晚上,我们就来看看真相是怎么回事。

(BEGIN VIDEOTAPE) 视频(1)开始: 『社会主义专制的渊源 – 纳粹与共产的苟同』

视频纪录片:

(MUSIC) 音乐:

BECK (voice-over): We live in a time that seems to move faster than time — a place that seems to have no place for the truth, a reality that seems to have no connection to reality. So to get our feet on solid ground in the future, we must first walk through the past with our eyes wide open.

戈: 今天我们生活在一个似乎没有时间思考的时代 – 在这个时代中似乎没有真实可言: 所谓的真实似乎与真相毫无联系。 如果我们要脚踏实地地走向未来的话,我们就必须先睁大眼睛正视我们真实的过去。

RONALD REAGAN, FMR. U.S. PRESIDENT: GOVERNMENT IS NOT THE SOLUTION TO OUR PROBLEM. GOVERNMENT IS THE PROBLEM.

前总统罗纳德. 里根:

“政府并不能解决我们生活中的难题 -- 政府本身就是我们生活中的的一个最大障碍。”


BECK: That's modern conservatism in a nutshell. Yet, we're always told that Nazi Germany, who controlled every aspect of its citizens' lives, was somehow right-wing. Is that true? Or is it an attempt to distract from other much more inconvenient similarities?

戈: 这就是我们现代右翼“保守主义”的实质内涵。 可是我们一直被今天的大众媒体洗脑告知我们说那些试图控制每一个社会个体公民思维行为的政府,如纳粹德国的政府,是所谓的右翼。 事实真是这样吗? 或者真相是正相反: 有人想混淆视听,为左翼社会主义专制大政府开路。

JONAH GOLDBERG, AUTHOR, "LIBERAL FASCISM": To say, you know, Hitler was a right-winger because of X, Y, Z, I say, what was Stalin's position on X, Y, and Z?

张纳. 歌德伯格 (“左翼法西斯”一书的作者): 如果说希特勒因为所谓的一二三的原因是右翼,那斯大林的所谓左翼的一二三与希特勒的有何不同?!

The common assumption is that the Nazis were a right-wing phenomena. They a right-wing party, that Hitler was a man of the right and all of the rest. And there are a lot of problems with this. His social agenda was for expanding universal access to health care, for expanding access to education. It was for cradle to grave welfare estate. It was for attacking big business and high finance.

俗套的理解是纳粹(民族社会主义)是所谓的“右翼”现象。 民族社会主义党(纳粹党)是所谓右翼党,希特勒之流都属于右翼。 但事实真相与这种说法绝然相反: 希特勒的社会主义纲领中极为推崇“公费健保”和“公费教育”,极为推崇“从摇篮到坟墓”的社会主义“福利社会”。 希特勒曾极力将大公司与大银行妖魔化。

People say, "Well, Hitler abolished labor unions, he was a right-wing then." Well, how did labor unions do under Stalin? How are labor unions doing under Fidel Castro? Almost anything you can find on a checklist that allegedly proves Hitler was a right-winger, you can apply to almost any one of the communist dictators of the 20th century and the similarities are almost identical.

人们常指出: “希特勒曾取缔过工会,所以他属于右翼”。 那斯大林难道没有取缔过工会吗? 难道古巴的卡斯特罗没有过取缔工会吗? 所有人们认为是属于“右翼”的特质你全部都可以在20世纪的共产极权社会中找到。 它们几乎是一个模子中筑出来的。

BECK: Today, this idea may seem controversial. But as the Nazis were rising to power, it wasn't controversial. It was common knowledge. November 28, 1925, a tiny article printed in the "New York Times" describing the early internal struggle for the identity of the Nazis. A riot broke out after a Nazi speaker claimed that Lenin was the greatest man second only to Hitler. And the difference between communism and the Hitler faith was very slight.

戈: 今天你这种说法好像是有所争议的。 但在民族社会主义(纳粹)掌控政权的时候对这个说法人们并没有任何争议。 那时候所有的人们都知道希特勒在搞社会主义大政府。 1925年十一月二十八日,“纽约时报”曾有一篇小文章专门叙述纳粹党人在党内如何争吵决定其政治认同的: 当一个纳粹党演说人指出列宁是继希特勒后最伟大的人物的时侯,一场骚动随既而至。 共产主义与希特勒的信念其实是有同无异的。

It wasn't just some nobody in the Nazi party who believed this. It was this man: Hitler's closest ally to the very end and his hand-pick successor as chancellor, Joseph Goebbels.

在希特勒的纳粹(民族社会党)党魁中并不是没有人认同这种说法: 希特勒的最亲密的同党同谋、希特勒亲自指定的继承人戈培尔就很清楚并认同这种说法。

Because it was so controversial, Goebbels, a master of propaganda, stopped talking about it in public. But his private writings revealed his change in approach wasn't a change of heart.

因为纳粹党内的对此争议,戈培尔 – 负责宣传洗脑的党魁,就决定对此争议在公共场合只字不提。 但他的私人笔记揭示了他的不提并不是他不同意这种说法。

EDVINS SNORE, DIRECTOR, "THE SOVIET STORY": The Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union in 1941. Just a week before that, he wrote in his diary that the goal of the Nazi Germany would be to destroy this Jewish Bolshevism and the Soviet Union as they described it and instead of that, build the true socialism. That's what he wrote in his diary. And, of course, Goebbels was a liar, but — well, he lied to his own diary.

埃德温斯. 斯诺尔 (“苏联的故事”导演): 纳粹德国在1941年向苏联开战。 就在开战前的一星期戈培尔在他的日记中写道: 纳粹(民族社会主义)德国的真正目的是要消灭犹太社会主义的苏联,并在此之后建立真正的社会主义。 这就是他在他的日记中真实的记录。 当然,戈培尔是个谎言家。 但是他在他自己的日记中对自己撒谎了吗?

GOLDBERG: The red shirts and the brown shirts in Germany had all sorts of members who were members of one group joining the other group and vice versa. They saw themselves as equally revolutionary organizations fighting each other for control. The Nazi versus Bolsheviks in Germany was really a case of Coke versus Pepsi.

张纳. 歌德伯格: 红衫共产与棕衫纳粹在当时的德国几乎看不出有什么不同,其中的人们经常来回穿梭在红与棕之间。 他们都把自己的党看成是革命政党为了权力而相互争斗。 纳粹与共产在当时德国的争斗就犹如今天美国可口可乐与百事可乐之间的争斗。

BECK: Even as the Nazis were taken control of France, the French communist newspaper found reason to celebrate. "In these sad times, it is exceptionally comforting to see many Parisian workers talk to German soldiers as friend, in the street, or at the corner cafe. Well done, comrades. And keep it up, even if it displeases some of the middle classes as stupid as they are mischievous."

戈: 即使在当时纳粹德国占领了法国之后,法国共产党机关报撰文庆祝纳粹的胜利: “在这些常使人悲哀的年月中,看到巴黎的工人们在街头与咖啡店中与德国士兵们像久别的友人们一样欣然交谈是多么让人振奋的情景啊! 同志们,真棒! 加油! 这真让那些愚笨而狡诈的(巴黎)中产阶级望而生畏。”

GOLDBERG: The communists in the Reichstag voted almost uniformly with the Nazis. They voted in lock step. And the slogan for the communists in the Reichstag was: First, brown, then, red. The general understanding among the communists, among socialists back then was that Nazism was a steppingstone towards the ultimate victory of socialism and communism.

张纳. 歌德伯格: 德国共产党人们在柏林的议院中几乎在所有议案中与纳粹党投一致立场的票。 他们似乎就像孪胞兄弟一样。 德国共产党人的口号是: 虽然现在是棕,不久后就会是红。 共产主义者与社会主义者们当时一致的观点是“民族社会主义(纳粹)”是通向全球社会主义与共产主义的铺路石。

BECK: While Hitler certainly to opposed communism outwardly, he did so mainly because he disagreed with its internationalism.

戈: 虽然希特勒外表上是反对共产主义的,但实际上他与共产主义的分歧只是“共产主义的国际化”。

GOLDBERG: He was a proud German, a German nationalist, a German jingoist, not a patriot but a nationalist. And he rejected that element of Marxism, but he embraced socialism entirely. He embraced the idea of racial solidarity, socialism for one race.

张纳. 歌德伯格: 他(希特勒)是个骄傲的德国人,是个德国民族主义者,是个德国沙文主义者。 他不是个传统的爱国者而是一个民族主义者。 他虽然不接受马克思主义中的国际主义成分,但他全盘拥护其社会主义的主张。 他拥护种族的纯净与为一个种族的社会主义。

BECK: Even in "Mein Kampf" he acknowledged the movements were so close that if not the focus on race, his national socialist movement would really do nothing more than compete with Marxism on its own ground. But Nazi Germany had no corner on the market of racism, and anti-Semitism.

戈: 就是在希特勒的“我的奋斗”中他也承认纳粹运动如果不是因为种族的原因,其社会主义的性质其实与马克思的理念同出一辙。 但是纳粹主义是不会在种族纯净上与反犹立场上与任何人妥协。

SNORE: We can find many Nazi-like passages in the writing of Marx and Engels were they both scorned (ph) on the Czechs and Hungarians and Poles. Marx didn't like Spanish, for example. He said that Spanish are degenerate and that Mexican are degenerated Spanish.

埃德温斯. 斯诺尔: 我们可以在马克思与恩格斯的写作中找到许多与纳粹言论无异的章节: 他们俩用了许多咒骂捷克人、匈牙利人与波兰人的脏话。 比如,马克思讨厌西班牙人: 他曾说过“西班牙人下贱,墨西哥人比西班牙人还下贱”。

GOLDBERG: Marx, you need to remember, was Jewish. He was a self- hating Jew. He rejected Judaism and all of the rest, but he was Jewish.
And Hitler hated — you know, hated Jews. I mean, this is not a news flash. Hitler was a passionate anti-Semite. And he saw Marxism as corrupted with a deep-seated Jewish nature.

张纳. 歌德伯格: 你们应知道马克思是个犹太人。 但马克思很蔑视犹太人,也蔑视犹太教。 但他确实是个犹太人。 你们也都知道希特勒最恨犹太人。 这不是什么新闻。 希特勒对犹太人恨入骨髓。 他对马克思主义的憎恨主要来自他对犹太人的憎恨。

The irony here is that so did Marx. Marx was a real anti-Semite. He wrote about the Jewish problem a generation before the Nazis started talking about the Jewish problem. He said how we had to purge the Jewish spirit from western civilization or from the global civilization. He had horrible racist things to say about Jews and the blacks.

有讽刺意味的是马克思也是个恨犹太人的人。 早在纳粹上台以前马克思就撰文咒骂犹太人。 他声称我们必须在西方文明中以致全球的人类文明中彻底铲除犹太教的影响。 他不光咒骂犹太人,也咒骂黑人。

And Hitler very much inherited that Marxist analyst when it came to things like Jews and other races.

希特勒的确从马克思的理论与文章中汲取了许多关于反犹与反其他种族的概念与言论。

BECK: Sometimes, it's hard to tell Hitler and Marx apart. Who wrote that Germany's neighbors should accept "the physical and intellectual power of the German nation to subdue, absorb and assimilate its ancient eastern neighbors"? That's Karl Marx and Fredrick Engels, author of "The Communist Manifesto" almost a century before the Holocaust.

戈: 时常地你真的分不清希特勒到底与马克思有什么不一样。 你猜猜: 谁写过这样的言辞 – “德国的邻国们要接受德国民族的生理与头脑的优越,以征服、溶解与同化那些古老的东欧国度”。 这是写“共产党宣言”的马克思与恩格斯说的。 这是他们早在希特勒的“大虐杀”之前几十年的时候就曾指出的。

Hitler's underlying admiration for Marxism was obvious.

希特勒对马克思的思想的敬慕是显而易见的。

SNORE: When I made the film, I was expecting actually that there would be similarities between the Nazis and Soviet communism, but I was actually amazed to discover how similar where these posters, and the posters were so similar that as if for one artist had drawn them. Of course, I think it is because — it is because they were both, the ideologies were very similar and their expression, therefore, was very similar as well.

埃德温斯. 斯诺尔: 当我导言“苏联的故事”的时候,我曾想过纳粹与共产之间会有许多相像之处。 但我没有想到他们简直就是一个娘胎里出来的双胞胎: 就从它们的宣传招贴画儿看吧 – 简直是一个画家画出来的。 当然,我想是因为它们的理念是非常接近的,所以它们的表达也必然是非常接近的。

GOLDBERG: In "Mein Kampf," Hitler writes about the Nazi party flag, which is this big red flag with a white disk in the middle and the swastika in the center. Hitler explains it quite clearly in "Mein Kampf" that the red, the big sea of red that the swastika was in was intended to attract socialists to his movement. The red flag was the emblem of the communists, the reason why we call them the reds.

张纳. 歌德伯格: 在“我的奋斗“中希特勒曾解释过纳粹党的红旗,就是那个红面中间有个白圈儿,里面有个黑色的“转轮符”的旗子。 希特勒说那大红色的旗子旨在把所有社会主义者们吸引过来。 红色是共产党人的颜色,也就是为什么我们称他们是“红党”。

BECK: But it went deeper than similar ideology and imagery. Until Germany launched a surprise attack on the Soviet Union in 1941, the Nazis and the Soviets worked together. They even put it in writing, signing what was originally sold as a non-aggression pact. But just weeks later, they would invade Poland from opposite sides.

戈: 共产与纳粹之间的联系其实比理念与标像符号还要更深: 在1941年纳粹德国突袭苏联之前,纳粹和共产是紧密合作的同伴。 它们之间曾签订过“互不侵犯条约”。 签约不久后它们便分头出兵侵占瓜分了波兰。

It wasn't until much late they're we would learn the full scope of the agreement.

在波兰被侵占瓜分了很久以后我们才得知了那个“互不侵犯条约”里面的全部实际的内容。

SNORE: They signed an agreement in 1939 that was called the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact, which had the secret protocol attached to it. And according to that secret protocol, they agreed on the division of the neighboring countries between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union.

埃德温斯. 斯诺尔: 1939年纳粹与共产间的条约被叫做“瑞本特罗普 – 莫洛托夫条约”。 条约中有一项秘密条款。 在这项秘密条款中,纳粹与共产极权们协议瓜分在德国与苏联之间的所有邻国。

TARAS HUNCZAK, PROFESSOR EMERITUS, RUTGERS UNIVERSITY: Then there was a secret protocol which essentially divided Europe into two spheres of influence between Hitler and Stalin. After all, it was not so difficult for them. Both of them were totalitarian regimes. They understood each other. The Soviets were delivering all kinds of raw materials to the Germans. It was not just theoretical friendship.

特拉斯. 洪可扎克 (罗德格斯大学教授): 那个“秘密条款”基本上将欧洲划分为两个势力范围 – 纳粹希特勒与共产斯大林。 它们之间的合作是非常和谐融洽的。 两个都是极权暴政。 它们有共同的语言很容易就懂得彼此。 苏联在当时同意向纳粹德国提供工业原料。 它们之间有利益关系,并不只是理论上的伙伴。

SNORE: An aspect of their collaboration was mutual exchange of prisoners. Basically German communists and Jews, they fled to the Soviet Union in order to be safe. The Soviet Union sent them back to Gestapo.
And many of them, of course, were killed there and perished in the Nazi concentration camps.

埃德温斯. 斯诺尔: 它们之间利益往来的另一点是遣返逃犯: 德国的共产党人与犹太人如果逃往苏联,斯大林就会把他们遣返回德国交给盖世太保。 许多这样的逃亡者就这样在纳粹的集中营里夭亡了。

BECK: But is this just a story of brutal iron-fisted dictators, or something inherent in the philosophy? The fathers of communism, Marx, and Engels, believed that societies would evolve from capitalism to socialism. But they acknowledged that there were still what they called primitive societies that hadn't even evolved into capitalists yet. They called them racial trash.

戈: 难道这个悲剧只是因为有极权的暴君吗? 或者这一定是这种专制哲学的必然产物? 共产创始人马克思和恩格斯相信人类社会是从资本主义过渡到社会主义。 但他们也承认有他们所谓的“原始社会”- 还没有进入资本主义的社会。 马克思和恩格斯把这些社会称为“渣滓种族”的社会。

As the revolution happens, the classes and the races, too weak to master the new conditions of life, must give way. There was only one thing left for those too far behind in the process of societal evolution. "The chief mission of all other races and peoples, large and small, is to perish in the revolutionary holocaust."

当革命向前推进的时候,有的阶级与种族因为太弱而不能适应新的生活状态而必然消亡。 对那些太落后在社会演进过程中的人们,“对所有地球上的这类种族与人们,不论他们有多少,都将在‘共产革命大虐杀’中被灭绝 ”。

Up until the horrors of Hitler, prominent socialist supporters discuss these ideas out in the open. Nobel Prize winner, Fabian socialist and prominent Soviet supporter, George Bernard Shaw.

在希特勒的恐怖大虐杀之前,著名的社会主义者们早就在公开传播散布“大虐杀”的论调: 我们来看看诺贝尔奖金得主,法比安的社会主义者和苏联的热情拥护者 – 乔治. 萧伯纳。

GEORGE BERNARD SHAW, NOBEL PRIZE WINNER: I don't want to punish anybody. (INAUDIBLE) an extraordinary number of people whom I want to kill. I think it would be a good thing to make everybody come before a properly-appointed board, just as they might come before the income tax commissioner, and say every five years, or every seven years, just put them there, and say, "Sir, or madam, now will you be kind enough to justify your existence?"

乔治. 萧伯纳 (诺贝尔奖金得主): 我不想惩罚 什么人。 (低声自语:)有有很多人我真想把他们杀光。 我认为应该做这样一件好事: 让所有的人们到一个政府制定的专门机构,就像他们必须到税务局报税一样,就说每五年或七年一次吧,然后就直接问他们: “先生,或女士,请你能不能就简单告诉我为什么你要存活着?”

If you're not producing as much as you consume or perhaps a little more, then, clearly, we cannot use the big organizations of our society for the purpose of keeping you alive, because your life does not benefit us and it can't be of very much use to yourself.

“如果你不能生产出被你消耗更多的物质价值,那么很清楚的,我们就没有理由用社会的机构与物质财富来养活你,因为你的生命不能造益社会,也不能对你自己有何用处。”

BECK: And this was actually somewhat subtle for Shaw. He'd also foreshadow some of the worst atrocities in our planet's history. He wrote, "I appeal to the chemists to discover a humane gas that will kill instantly and painlessly. In short, a gentlemanly gas — deadly by all means, but humane not cruel."

戈: 萧伯纳说这些话的时候还是挺温和隐晦的。 他之后用更露骨的话预示了人类最惨痛的大劫难、大暴行。 他写道: “我呼吁化学家们研制出一种人道的、能将人无痛瞬间致死的毒气。 简而言之,就是一种绅士般的毒气 – 致命的但是人道德而不残忍的。

GOLDBERG: People like George Bernard Shaw were convinced that overpopulation was this terrible, terrible problem; particularly, because the unfit, the genetically less desirable, were swamping the good genetic types. In the late 19th century, there are almost a cream of British intelligentsia embracing eugenics. Well into the 20th century. Saying that thousands, millions had to be marched off into gas chambers and liquidated.

张纳. 歌德伯格: 像萧伯纳一样的人们确定人口膨胀是一个地球的大问题, 所以就要系统地消除那些生理基因上低下的人。 那些人如不被消除就会污染生理基因上优秀的人。 19世纪末叶,在英国学术界里持这种“优生学“观点的人大有人在。 就这样到了20世纪中叶,千百万的人们就被这种“优生学”理论投入了毒气室无辜丧命了。

George Bernard Shaw has this great line where he says, you know, we should do it while playing lovely classical music as we march them into the gas chambers. The idea — and a lot of people seem to think that this concept of the gas chamber as a tool of social policy was invented by the Nazis. It wasn't. It was — and I mean this in the most disgusting evil way, it was perfected by the Nazis.

萧伯纳常说的一句话就是: 你知道吗,我们在把他们送到毒气室的时候一定要伴上美妙的古典音乐。 许多不识真相的人们误以为实施所谓社会工程的毒气室是纳粹的首发主意。 其实根本不是。 让人恶心的是,纳粹只是借用了与完善了这个社会主义的念头。

But this idea of using things like gas chambers to kill off millions of people so that the rest of the good guys could prosper and move to the sunny uplands of history was immensely popular.

当时这个用毒气室作工具来消除千百万无辜的人,以使其他有优越基因的人们能过上繁荣昌盛的日子的社会主义理念是非常盛行的。

(END VIDEOTAPE) 视频 (1) 终 (待续)

http://lucianne.com/article/?pageid=glenn_beck_show

http://american-conservativevalues.com/blog/2010/01/glenn-beck-the-revolutionary-holocaust-live-free-or-die-01-22-2010

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