陈凯一语： Kai Chen's Words:
“Revolutionary Holocaust 共产大虐杀”是既“Killer Chic 崇魔的时尚”以来再一次揭露共产杀人魔的电视记录片。 从马克思与纳粹法西斯的哲学体系，到斯大林，希特勒，格瓦拉与毛泽东的反人类罪行，Glenn Beck用这部纪录片深刻地揭露了共产罪恶的内在本质与当今以奥巴马为代表的美国（西方）社会主义复辟必然的联系。 我希望所有热爱自由的人们在看过这部纪录片后深刻地反思反省并做出举动有力地反击专制在全世界的回潮。 --- 陈凯
“Revolutionary Holocaust" is a great documentary program from Fox News, after "Killer Chic" by Reason TV, to once again expose the evil and atrocities of communism. From the connection of Marxism with Nazism, to the atrocities of Stalin, Hitler, Guevara and Mao, Glenn Beck effectively peels off the mystery and masks from the evil ideology apparently adopted by the Obama administration of today's America. I hope that everyone, having viewed this program, starts to take action in a massive/relentless counter-attack against modern despotism/tyranny. Let's take back our own country - our beloved America. --- Kai Chen
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Revolutionary Holocaust 共产大虐杀
http://lucianne.com/article/?pageid=glenn_beck_show
Produced by Glenn Beck Fox News
视频连锁 Video Link:
http://lucianne.com/article/?pageid=glenn_beck_show
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http://lucianne.com/article/?pageid=glenn_beck_show
A bleak anniversary : Mao the mass murderer
By Jonathan Mirsky
Published: January 9, 2004
BuzzPermalinkLONDON— While China celebrates the 110th anniversary of Mao Zedong's birth, six well-known Chinese intellectuals have called for his body to be removed from the mausoleum that dominates Tiananmen Square.
For Yu Jie and Liu Xiaobo, who live in Beijing — the other four live in American exile — this must be one of the bravest statements since the Communist Party seized power in 1949. In the most recent issue of the Hong Kong magazine Kaifang, or Open, they urge that sending Mao's body back to his home village in Hunan province "would elevate the status of Beijing into that of a civilized capital, and make it fit to stage a 'civilized Olympics' in 2008. We certainly do not want to see the farce of the Olympic flag flying over a city in which a corpse is worshipped."
But China's leadership has yet to come to terms with what Mao did to the country. In 1981, in a judgment overseen by Deng Xiaoping, the Communist Party admitted that Mao bore the chief responsibility for China's greatest modern catastrophe, the Cultural Revolution of 1966-1976, but emphasized that his "mistakes" were those of "a great revolutionary" whose contributions were far greater than his errors.
This explains why a huge portrait of Mao continues to hang over the Tiananmen walls and why, in late December, an avalanche of praise for Mao filled the Chinese media. The China Daily, an official English-language newspaper, asserted that Mao's military, philosophical and literary teachings still influence China, while according to the party's People's Daily, "His outstanding achievements, glorious ideas and great charisma influence generation after generation, far beyond his own day."
It is impossible to imagine official homage in Germany for Hitler or in Russia for Stalin. And yet Mao was a destroyer of the same class as Hitler and Stalin. He exhibited his taste for killing from the early 1930's, when, historians now estimate, he had thousands of his political adversaries slaughtered. Ten years later, still before the Communist victory, more were executed at his guerrilla headquarters at Yan'an.
Hundreds of thousands of landlords were exterminated in the early 1950's. From 1959 to 1961 probably 30 million people died of hunger — the party admits 16 million — when Mao's economic fantasies were causing peasants to starve and he purged those who warned him of the scale of the disaster.
Many more perished during the Cultural Revolution, when Mao established a special unit, supervised by Prime Minister Zhou Enlai, to report to him in detail the sufferings of hundreds of imprisoned leaders who had incurred the chairman's displeasure.
One of the chairman's secretaries, Li Rui, wrote recently, "Mao was a person who did not fear death, and he did not care how many were killed." The writers of the Kaifang article tell us what this meant for China: "Mao instilled in people's minds a philosophy of cruel struggle and revolutionary superstition. Hatred took the place of love and tolerance; the barbarism of 'It is right to rebel!' became the substitute for rationality and love of peace. It elevated and sanctified the view that relations between human beings are best characterized as those between wolves."
It is common in academic circles, not only in China but in the West, to consider Mao as a thinker, guerrilla leader, poet, calligrapher and literary theorist. Mao specialists tend to divide his career into two periods: before 1957, when Mao "the visionary" fought his way with tenacity and brilliance to party leadership and set about transforming China from a fragmented, backward society into a unified nation; and after 1957, in which Mao became power-crazed and dragged China into violence and economic stagnation.
The signatories of the Kaifang broadside, however, see Mao whole: "Under Mao, the ideological obsession with 'attacking feudalism, capitalism and revisionism' severed links with traditional Chinese culture, with modern Chinese culture and with Western civilization, deliberately placing the country beyond the mainstream of human civilization."
This seems reasonable. Yet few of Mao's closest comrades, or their successors today, ever admitted publicly, even after his death, that from his earliest years of authority whatever Mao proposed, encouraged or commanded was underpinned by the threat of death. This was also the secret of Stalin's power, and of Hitler's. The Kaifang writers note that "Mao Zedong's writings poisoned the soul and the language of the Chinese race; and his violent, hate-filled, loutish language remains a problem to this day."
In 1973 Mao suggested, apropos of Hitler, that the more people a leader kills, the more people will desire to make revolution. Mao would have approved the killing of unarmed protesters in spring 1989 not only in Tiananmen but in dozens of cities throughout China, and would have hailed the party's "hate-filled" insistence to this day that the 1989 demonstrators were criminals who deserved what they got.
At a recent American seminar on Mao a professor from Beijing who specializes in Mao studies asked me if I was suggesting that the millions of Chinese who admire and love Mao are revering a mass killer. I replied that such veneration was China's tragedy.
The writer is former East Asia editor of The Times of London.
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